One Day In Jozefow - UC Santa Barbara

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ONE DAY IN JOZEFOWfiom:Peter Hayes (00.), Lessons and legacies: 11le Meaning a/theHolocaust in a Changing World (Evanson, ll:Northwestern 1991), 196-209; reprinted in D. Crew(00.), Nazism'and Gennan Society.ONE DAY IN JOZEFOWInitiation to mass InurderChristopher R. Browning jPel/kert's essay expands the concept of the "Final Solution" to illcl'Uieti,e perseCfltioll and exlermi11atiol1 of large 11umbers of non-Jews whowere regarded by tile Nazis as racially or biologically "inferior," as"lives uHworthy of life." But the attempt to t1'llce racism back to scienceand rhe welfare state could perhaps risk leaving us with a story ofAuschwitz without the Jews. We mllst 110t lose sight of tile uniqueposition of IInti-Semitism within the Nazi ideology of mce or of the"special fate" of European Jewry in the years of tile Third Reich. TileNazis constructed lIlany racial "enemies," but they always attached nl!absoillte priority to the "soilltion" of the "Jewish Problem."Perflnps we too often viSllalize tile "Final Solutiml" nlld the "Holocaust" il1 terms of the relentless, methodical, relatively anonymous,"illdustrialized" mass /IIurder of milliolls of victims il1 the Nazi exterlIlination camps. But large numbers of Jews were also murdered inbloody shootings, at close range, by mell who had to look their victims,including women and cltilcirell, directly ill the face. How were the menwho puI/ed the triggers nble, psychologically and physically, to contilllletile killings after their lllliforms were splattered with the blood alld/Jone fragments of the people they had murdered? It is too easy toaSSHme that only the fanatical anti-Semitism of Tiimmler's "IdeologicalShock I)'oops" the SS could have motivated this kind of brutality.BlIt as Cltristopher Browning shows in his chillingly concrete desaipThis study is based entirely on the judicial records in the StaatsanwaltschaftHomburg that resulted from two investigations of Reserve Police Battalion 101:141 Js 1957/62 and 141 Js 128/65. German laws and regulations for the protectionof privacy prohibit the revealing of names from such court records. Thus, withthe exception of Major Trapp, who was tried, convicted. and executed in Polandafter the war, I have chosen simply to refer to individuals generically by rankand unit rather than by pseUdonyms,11.1fion of "One Day in Josefow," by no means all of of the mass shootillgsin occupied Poland and the Soviet !lnion were performed by the 5S orthe Gestapo. Otherwise quite "ordinary men" (in this instollce, H01llburg police officers, some of tltem from 'working-class backgroullds)found themselves caught lip in the "Final So/ution" because the 5Ssimply did not have enough manpower to murder the milliolls of Jewsunder German rule.What made tile men in this police unit hunt down and shoot thousands of Polish Jews? Certainly, it was not fear of punishment. BI'OW1!ing shows that some members of the unit were able to refuse from theoutset to participate in the mass killings, or to stop killil1g once the massmurders had begun, without suffering serious consequences. Yet, thesewere the exceptions. Tile majority, who simply wellt ahead a1ld did lire"job" they had been given, appear fa ]lave been motivated by relativelymrmdal1e considerations. Some simply did not want to damage theirfuture career prospects by showing tIwt tlley were "UllfU" for iraI'dduty. Others, and these were probably the majority, submitted to a killdof perverse male peer grollp pressure which made rejusilig to murderdefenseless Jews il1tO an act of cowardice. Browning's article echoesimportant themes that have appeared ill several of the earlier contriblltions to this volume; as both AIf LUdtke and Adelheid vall Salclemsuggest, under Nazi rule, familial' values sHch as pride ill "qllalitywork," "ma1lliness" and "male comradeship" - might sanction barbarOilS bellavior, And, as Bartov and also Ma.umallll and Paul argile, qlliteordinary Germans made vital contributions fo the cOllstruction of theNazi system of terror and mass murder.,. ,. ,.In mid-March of 1942, some 75 to 80 per cent of all victims ofthe Holocaust were still alive, while some 20 to 25 per cent hadalready perished. A mere eleven months later, in mid-February1943, the situation was exactly the reverse. Some 75 to 80. percent of all Holocaust victims were already dead, and a mere 20to 25 per cent still clung to a precarious existence. At the coreof the Holocaust was an intense eleven-month wave of massmurder. The center of gravity of this mass murder was Poland,where in March 1942, despite two and a half years of terriblehardship, deprivation, and persecution, every major Jewish community was still intact; eleven months later, only remnants ofPolish Jewry survived in a few rump ghettos and labor camps.

NAZISM AND GEHMAN SOCIETY, 1933-1945In short, the German attack on the Polish ghettos was not agradual or incremental program stretched over a long period oflime, but a veritable Blitzkrieg, a massive offensive requiring themobilization of large numbers of shock troops at the very periodwhen the German war effort in Russia hung in the balance.The first question I would like to pose, therefore, is what werethe manpower sources the Germans tapped for their assault on\'olish Jewry? Since the personnel of the death camps was quiteminima\, the real question quite simply is who were the ghettocleRrers? On dose examination one discovers that the Naziregime diverted almost nothing in terms of real mil.itaryresources for this offensive against the ghettos. The localCerman authorities in Poland, above all 55 and Police Leader(S5PF) Odilo Globocnik, were given the task but not the mento carry it out. They had to improvise by creating ad hoc "privatearmies." Coordination and guidance of the ghetto-clearing wasprovided by the staffs of the SSPF and commander of the security police in each district in Poland. Security police and gendarmerie in the branch offices in each district proVided localexpertise.! But the bulk of the manpower had to be recruitedfrom bvo sources. The first source was the Ukrainians, Lithuanians, and Latvians recruited out of the prisoner of war campsand trained at the S5 camp in Trawniki. A few hundred of thesemen, among them Ivan Demjanjuk, were then sent t.o the deathcamps of Operation Reinhan:t where they outnumbered theGerman staff roughly 4 to 1. The majority, however, were organized into mobile units and became itinerant ghetto-clearers,traveling ont from Trawniki to one ghetto after another andreturning to their base camp between operations. 1The second major source of manpower for the ghetto-dearingoperations was the numerous battalions of Order Police(Oninrl11gspn/izei) stationed in the General Government. In 1936,when Himmlercentralized control over all Germanpolice, the Secret State Police (Gestapo) and Criminal Police(Kripo) were consolidated under the Security Police Main Officeof Reinhard rleydrich. The German eqUivalent of the city police(Schutzpolizei) and county sheriffs (GelJdnl'merie) were consolidated under the Order Police Main Office of Kurt Daluege. TheOrder Police were far more numerous than the more notoriousSecurity Police and encompassed not only the regular policemendistributed among various urban and rural police stations inONE DAY IN JOZEFOWGermany, but also large battalion-size units, which werestationed in barracks and wete given some military training. Aswith National Guard units in the United States, these hatt 1lionswere organized regionally. As war approached in 1938--9, manyyoung Germans volunteered for the Order Police in order toavoid being drafted into the regular army.Beghming in September 1939, the Order Police battalions, eachof approximately five hundred men, were rotated out from theirhorne cities on tours of duty in the occupied territories. As theGerman empire expanded and the demand for occupation forcesincreased, the Order Police was vastly expanded by crc 1tingnew reserve police battalions. The career police and prewarvolunteers of the old battalions were distributed to become lhenoncommissioned officer cadres of these new reserve units,whose rank and file were now composed of civilian drafteesconsidered too old by the Wehrmacht for frontline militaryservice.One such unit, Reserve Police Battalion 101 from Hamburg,was one of three police battalions st 1tioned in the district ofLublin during the onslaught against the Polish ghettos. Becmlseno fewer than 210 former members of this battalion were interrogated during more than a decade of judicial investigation anddeal abouttrials in the 1960s and early 19705, we know aits composition. First let us examine the officer and noncommissioned officer (NCO) cadres.The battalion was commanded by Major Wilhelm Trapp, a53-year··old career policeman who had risen through the ranksand was affectionately referred to by his men as "P 1pa Trapp."Though he had joined the Nazi Party in December 1932, he hadnever been taken into the 55 or even given an 55-equivalentrank. He was dearly not considered SS materiaL I-Us two caplains, in contrast, were young men in their late twenties, bothparty members and 5S officers. Even in their testimony 25 yearslater they made no attempt to conceal their contempt for theircommander as both weak and unmilitary. Little is known aboutthe first lieutenant who was Trapp's adjutant, for he died in thespring of ] 943. In addition, however, the battalion had sevenreserve lieutenants, that is men who were not career policemenbut who, after they were drafted into the Order Police, had beenselected Lo receive officer training because of their middle-classstatus, education, and success in civilian life. Their ages rangedI

NAZISM AND GERMAN SOCIETY, 19331945from 33 to 48; five were party members! but none belonged tothe SS. Of the 32 NCOs on whom we have information, 22 wereparty mernbers but only seven were in the 55. Cn1ey ranged inage from 27 to 40 years old; their average was 331/ 2 ,The vast majority of the rank and file had been born andreared in Hamburg and its environs. The Hamburg element wasso dominant and the ethos of the battalion so provincial thatcontingents from nearby Wilhelmshaven and Schleswig-Holsteinwere considered outsiders. Over 60 per cent were of workingclass background, but few of them were skilled laborers. Themajority of them held typical Hamburg working-class jobs; dockworkers and truck drivers were more numerous, but there werealso many warehouse and construction workers, machine operators, seilrnen and waiters. About 35 per cent were lower-middlevirtually alt of whom were white-collar workers. Threequarters of them were in sales of some sort; the other onequarter peformed various office jobs, both in the governmentand private sectors. l'he number of independent artisans, suchas tailors and watch makers, was small; and there were onlythree middle-class professionals two druggists and one teacher.The average age of the men was 39; over half were between 37and 42, the Jnl1l'giillge most intensively drafted for police dutyafter Seotember 1939.The n en in Reserve Police Battalion 101 were from the lowerorders of German society. They had experienced neither socialnor geographic mobility. Very lev" were economically independent. Except for apprenticeship or vocational training, virt\lallynone had any education after leaving the Volkssclwle at age 14or l5. About 25 per cent were Nazi Party members in 1942,most having joined in 1937 or later. Though not questionedabout their pre-1933 political affiliation during their interrogations, presumably many had been Communists, Socialists, andlilbor union members before 1933. By virtue of their age, ofcourse, an went through their formative period in the pre-Naziera. These were men who had known political standards andmoral norms other than those of the Nazis. Most came fromllamburg, one of the least Nazified cities in Germany, and themajority came from a social class that in its political culture hadbeen anti-Nazi.These men would not seem to have been a very promisinggroup from which to recruit mass murderers of the Holocaust.':tflA.ONE DAY IN JOZEFOW\Yet this unit was to be extraordinarily active both in clearingghettos and in massacring Jews outright during the Blitzkriegagainst Polish Jewry. If these middle-aged reserve policemenbecame one major component of the murderers, the secondquestion posed is how? Specifically, what happened when theywere first assigned to ldll Jews? What choices did they have,and how did they react?.Reserve Police Battalion 101 departed from Hamburg on June20, 1942, and was initially stationed in the town of Bilgoraj, fiftymiles sOllth of Lublin. Around 11 July it received orders for itsfirst major action, aimed against the approximately I,SOO Jewsliving in the village of Jozefow, about twenty miles slightlysouth and to the east of Bilgoraj. In the General Government aseventeen-day stoppage of Jewish transports due to a shortageof rolling stock had just ended, but the only such trains thathad been resumed were several per week from the district ofKrakau to Belzec. The railway line to Sobibor was down, andthat camp had become practically inaccessible. In short the FinalSolution in the Lublin district had been paralyzed, and Globocnik was obviollsly anxious to resume the killing. But Jozefowcould not be a deportation action. Therefore the battalion wasto select out the young maJe Jews in Jozefow and send them toa work camp in Lublin. The remaining Jews about 1,500women, children, and elderly were simply to be shot on thespot.On 12 July Major Trapp summoned his officers and explainedthe next day's assignment. One officer, a reserve lieutenant in 1stcompany and owner of a family lumber business in Hamburg,approached the major's adjutant, indicated his inability to takepart in such an action in which unarmed WOITlen and childrenwere to be shot, and asked for a different assignment. He wasgiven the task of accompanying the work Jews to Lublin.' Themen were not as yet informed of their Lnminent assignment,though the 1st company captain at least confided to some ofhis men that the battalion had an "extremely interesting task"(/lOcilinteresslll1te Aufgllbe) the next day.4Around 2 a.m. the men climbed aboard waiting trucks, andthe battalion drove for about an hour and a half over anunpaved road to Jozefow. Just as daylight was breaking, themen arrived at the village and assembled in a half-circle aroundMajor Trapp, who proceeded to give a short speech. With305

NAZISM AND GERMAN SOCIETY, 193FI945choking voice and tears in his eyes, he visibly fought to controlhimself as he informed his men that they had received ordersto perform a very unpleasant task. These orders were not to hisliking, either, but they came from above. It might perhaps maketheir task easier, he told the men, if they remembered that inGermany bombs were falling on the women and children. Twowitnesses claimed that Trapp also mentioned that the Jews ofthis village had supported the partisans. Another witnessrecalled Trapp's mentioning that the Jews had instigated theboycott against Germany.s Trapp then explained to the men thatthe Jews in the village of Jozefow would have to be roundedup, whereupon the young males were to be selected out forlabor and the others shot.Trupp then made an extraordinary offer to his battalion: ifany of the older men among them did not feel up to the taskthai lay before him, he could step out. Trapp paused! and aftersome moments, one man stepped forward. The captain of 3rdcompany, enraged that one of his men had broken ranks, beganto berate the man. The major told the captain to hold his tongue.Then ten or twelve other men stepped forward as welL Theyturned in their rifles and were told to await a further assignment(rom the major. 6Trapp then summoned the company commanders and gavethem their respective assignments. Two platoons of 3rd companywere to surround tbe village; the men were explicitly orderedto shoot anyone trying to escape. The remaining men were toround up the Jews and take them to the market place. Thosetoo sick or frail to walk to the market place, as well as infantsand anyone offering resistance or attempting to hide, were tobe shot on the spot. Thereafter, a few men of 1st company wereto accompany the work Jews selected at the market place, whilethe rest were to proceed to the forest to form the firing squads.The Jews were to be loaded onto battalion trucks by 2nd comprmy and shuttled from the market place to the forest.Having given the company commanders their respectiveassignments, Ti'app spent the rest of the day in town, !l1os11y ina school room converted into his headlluarters but also at thehomes of the Polish mayor and the local priest. Witnesses whosaw him at various times during the day described him asbitterly complaining about the orders he had been given and"weeping like a child." He nevertheless affirmed that "ordersONE DAY IN JOZEFOWwere orders" and had to be carried ouL7 Not a single witnessrecalled seeing him at the shooting site, a fact that was not lostupon the men, who felt some anger about it. s Trapp's driverremembers him saying later, "If Ihis Jewish business is everavenged on earth, then have mercy on us Germans. 'i (Wetlll sichdirse Jlldrllsache ein111aillllj Erdell rlichi,dlll11lgllade1lI1SDeutschcn.)"After the company commanders had relayed orders to themen, those assigned to the village broke up into small groupsand began to comb the Jewish quarter. The air was soon filledwith cries, and shots rang out. The market place filled rapidlywith Jews, including mothers and infants. While the men ofReserve Police Battalion 101 were apparently willing to shootthose Jews too weak or sick to move, they still shied for themost part from shooting infants, despite their ordersYl No officerintervened, though subsequently one officer warned his menthat in the future they would have to be moreIIAs the roundup neared completion, the men of 1st companywere withdrawn from the search and given a quick lesson inthe gruesome task that awaited them by the battalion doctorand the company's first sergeant. The doctor traced the outlineof a human figure on the ground and showed the men how touse a fixed bayonet placed between and just above the shoulderblades as a guide for aiming their carbinesY Several men nowapproached the 1st company captain and asked to be given (ldifferent assignment; he curtly refused.13 Several others whoapproached the first sergeant rather than the captai.n fared better.They were given guard duty along the route from the villageto the forest. 14The firstorganized his men into two groups of aboutthirty-five men! which was roughly equivalent to the numberof Jews who could be loaded into each truck. In turn each squadmet an arriving truck at the unloading point on the edge of theforest. The individual squad members paired off face-to-facewith the individual Jews they were to shoot, and marched theirvictims into the forest. The first sergeant remained in the forestto supervise the shooting. The Jews were forced to lie face downin a row. The policemen stepped up behind them, and on asignal from the first sergeant fired their carbines at point-blankrange into the necks of their victims. The first sergeant thenmoved a few yards deeper into the forest to supervise thenext execution. So-called "mercy shots" wereby a::\07

NAZISM AND GERMAN SOCIETY, 1933-1945noncommissioned officer, as many of the mell, some out ofexcitement and some intentionally, shot past their victims.15 Bymid-day alcohol had appeared from somewhere to "refresh" theshonter .l6 Also around mid-day the first sergeant relievedthe older men, after several had come to him and asked to belet out. The other men of 1st company, howevel continuedshooting throughout the day.Meanwhile the Jews in the market place were being guardedby the men of 2n 1 company, vl'ho loaded the victims onto .thetrucks. 'When the first salvo was heClrd frOIn the woods, a terriblecry swept the market place, as the collected Jews now knewtheir fate 18 ThereClfter, however" a quiet indeed "unbelievClble"- composure settled over the Jews, which the German policemenfound ,:!qually unnerving, By mid-morning the officers in thelll lrket plClce became increasingly Clgitated. At the present rate,the executions would never be completed by nightfalL The 3rdcompany was cFllled in from its outposts around the village totFlke over close guard of the marketThe men of 2ndcompany were informed that they too must now go to thewoods to join the shooters.19 At leFlst one sergeClnt once againoffered his men the opportunity to report if they did not feel upto it. No one took up his offer. 211 In another unit, one policemanconfessed to his lieutenClflt that he was "very weak" Clnel couldnol shoot. He was released. 21In the forest the 2nd company was divided. into smClU groupsof six to eight men rather than the IClrger squads of thirty-fiveCIS in 1st company, In the confusion of the small groups comingand going from the unloading point, several men managed tostay alOund the tmcks looking busy and thus avoided shooting.On- WClS noticed by his comrades, who swore at him for shirking, but he ignored them. n Among those who began shooting,some could not last long, One man shot an old woman on hisfirst round, aher which his nerves were finished and he couldnot continue, Another discovered to his dismay that his secondvictim was a German Jew - a mother from Kassel with herdClughter. He too the asked OUt. 24 This encounter with aGenmmwas not exceptional. Seveml other men alsoremembered Hamburg and Bremenin Jozefow.'s It was agrotesque irony that some of the men of Reserve Police Battali n101 had guarded the collection center in Hamburg, the confls(flted freemason lodge hous, on the Moorweide next to the?OQONE DAY IN JOZEFOWuniversity library, from which the Hamburg Jews had beendeported the previous fall. A few had even guarded the deportation transports to Lodz, Riga, and Minsk. These Hamburgpolicemen had now followed other Jews deported from northernGermany, in order to shoot them in southern Poland.A thi;d policeman was in such an agitated state that on hisfirst shot he aimed too high, He shot off the top of the head ofhis victim, splattering brains into the face of his sergeant. I-lisrequest to be relieved was granted?" One policeman made it t,othe fourth round, when his nerve gave WC1y. He shot past Iusvictim, then turned and ran deep into the forest Clod vomited.After several hours he returned to the trucks and rode back tothe market place.As had happened with 1st company, bottles of vodkRappeared at the unloading point and were passed aroun l,2BThere was much demand, for among the 2nd company, shoot1l1ginstructions had been less explicit and initially bayonets had notbeen fixed as an aiming guide, The result WClS that many of themen did not give neck shots but fired directly into the heads oftheir victims at point-black range. cfhe victims' heClds exploded,and in no time the policemen's unifonns were saturaled withblood and splattered with brains and splinters of bone. Whenseveral officers noted that some of their men could no longercontinue or had beglm intentionally to fire past their victims,they excused them from the firing squads,29Though a fairly Significant number of men in Reserve PoliceBattalion 101 either did not shoot at all or started but could notcontinue shooting, most persevered to the end and lost all COllntof how many Jews they had killed that day. The forest was sofilled with bodies that it became difficult to find plClces to makethe Jews lie down. When the action was finally over al dusk,and some 1,500 Jews lay dead, the men climbed into theirtrucks and returned to Bilgoraj. Extra rations of alcohol wereprovided, and the men talked little, ate almost nothing,. butdrank adeal. That night one of them awoke from a mghtmare firing his gun into the ceiling of the barracks. 3UFollowing the massacre of Jozefow, Reserve Police Battalion101 was transferred to the northern part of the Lublin district,The various platoons of the battalion were stationed in differenttowns but brought together for companY-Size actions, Each c()m pany was engaged in at least one more shooting action, but309

NAZISM AND GERMAN SOCIETY, 1933-1945more often the Jews were driven from the ghettos onto trainsbound for the extermination camp of Treblinka. Usually onepolice company worked in conjunction with a Trawniki unit foreach action. The "dirty work" - driving the Jews out of theirdwellings with whips, clubs, and guns; shooting on the spot thefrail, sick, elderly, and infants who could not march to the trainstation; and packing the train cars to the bursting point so thatonly with the greatest of effort could the doors even be closed- was usually left to the so-called flHiwis" (Hilfswilligell or"volunteers") from Trawniki.Once a ghetto had been entirely cleared, it was the responsibility of the men of Reserve Police Battalion 101 to keep thesurrounding region "iudellfrei." Through a network of Polishinformers and frequent search patrols - casually referred to asJlIIfenjllgdeH or "Jew hunts" - the policemen remorselesslytracked down those Jews who had evaded the roundups andned to lhe forests. Any Jew found in these circumstances wassimply shot on the spot. By the end of the year there wasscarcely a Jew alive in the northern Lublin district, and ReservePolice Battalion 101turned its attention from murdering Jews to combolling porlisans.In looking at the half-year after Jozefow, one sees that thismassacre drew an important dividing line. Those men whostayed with the assignment and shot all day found the subsequent actions much easier to perform. Most of the men werebitter ilbout what they had been asked to do at Jozefow, and itbecame taboo even to speak of it. Even thirty years later theycould not hide the horror of endlessly shooting Jews at pointblank range. In contrast, however, they spoke of surroundingghellos and watching the Hiwis brutally drive the Jews ontothe death trains with considerable detachment and a near-totalabsence of any sense of participation or responsibility. Suchactions they routinely dismissed with a standard refrain: "I wasollly in the police cordon there." The shock treatment of Jozefowhad created an effective and desensitized unit of ghetto-clearers l11L1, when the occasion required, outright murderers. After Jozefow nothing else seemed so terrible. Heavy drinking alsocontributed to numbing the men's sensibilities. One 110ndrinking policeman noted that "most of the other men drankso much solely because of the many shootings of Jews, forsuch a life was quite intolerable sober" (die meisten der anderell310ONE DAY IN JOZEFOWKalllemdell lediglicl1 allf Grlllld der vielell JlIdellerscllie s!mgrll s()vielgetnl1lken hllbell, da eill demrtiges Leben niiclltem gar llicht ZH erlm-\I!II1gel1 Wllr).'!Among those who either chose not to shoot at Jozefow orproved "too weak" to carryon and made no subsequent attemptto rectify this image of "weakness," a different trend developed,If they wished they were for the most part left alone andexcluded from further killing actions, especially the frequent"Jew hunts." The consequences of their holding aloof from themass murder were not grave. The reserve lieutenant of 1st COI11pany who had protested against being involved in the Jozefowshooting and had been allowed to accompany the work Jevvs toLublin subsequently went to Major Trapp and declared that inthe future he would not take part in any Aktiol1 unless explicitlyordered. He made no attempt to hide his aversion to what thebattalion was doing, and his attitude was known to almosteveryone in the company.32 He also wrote to Hamburg andrequested that he be recalled from the General Governmentbecause he did not agree with the "non-police" functions beingperformed by the battalion there. Major Trapp not only avoidedany confrontation but protected him. Orders involving actionsagainst the Jews were simply passed from battalion or companyheadquarters to his deputy. FIe was, in current terminology, "l.eftout of the loop." In Noveulber 1942 he was recalled to Hamburg,made adjutant to the Police President of that city, and subsequently promoted!33The man who had first stepped out at Jozefow was sent onalmost every partisan action but not on the "Jew hunts." Hesuspected that this pattern resulted from his earlier behavior inJozefow. 34 Another man who had not joined the shooters atJozefow was given excess tours of guard duty and otherunpleasant assignments and was not promoted. fiut he was notassigned to the "Jew hunts" and firing squads, because theofficers wanted only "men" with them and in their eyes he was"no man." Others who felt as he did received the same treatment, he said. Such men could not, however, always protectthemselves against officers out to get them. One rnan wasassigned to a firingby a vengeful officer precisely becausehe had not yet been involved in a shooting.:'6The experience of Reserve Police Battalion 101 poses disturbing questions to those concerned with the lessons and311

ONE DAY IN JOZEFOWNAZISM AND GERMAN SOCIETY, 1933-1945of the Holocaust. Previous explanations for the behavior of theperpetrators, especially those at the lowest level who came faceto face with the Jews they killed, seem inadequate. Above allthe perpetrators themselves have constantly cited inescapableorders to account for their behavior. In Jozefow, however, themen had the opportunity both before and during the shootingto withdraw. The battalion in general was under orders to killtheof Jozefow, but each individual man was not.selection, indoctrination, and ideological motivationare equally unsatisfying as explanations. The men of ReservePolice Battalion 1m were certainly not a group carefully selectedfor their suitability as mass murderers, nor were they givenspecial training and ind

the Gestapo. Otherwise quite "ordinary men" (in this instollce, H01ll burg police officers, some of tltem from 'working-class backgroullds) found themselves caught lip in the "Final So/ution" because the 5S simply did not have enough ma

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