Framing And Agenda-setting In Russian News: A .

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Framing and Agenda-setting in Russian News:a Computational Analysis of Intricate Political StrategiesAnjalie Field Doron Kliger Shuly Wintner Jennifer Pan Dan Jurafsky Yulia Tsvetkov Carnegie Mellon University University of Haifa Stanford University{anjalief, ytsvetko}@cs.cmu.edu,{kliger@econ, shuly@cs}.haifa.ac.il, {jp1, jurafsky}@stanford.eduAbstractAmidst growing concern over mediamanipulation, NLP attention has focused onovert strategies like censorship and “fakenews”. Here, we draw on two concepts from thepolitical science literature to explore subtlerstrategies for government media manipulation:agenda-setting (selecting what topics tocover) and framing (deciding how topics arecovered). We analyze 13 years (100K articles)of the Russian newspaper Izvestia and identifya strategy of distraction: articles mention theU.S. more frequently in the month directlyfollowing an economic downturn in Russia.We introduce embedding-based methods forcross-lingually projecting English framesto Russian, and discover that these articlesemphasize U.S. moral failings and threats tothe U.S. Our work offers new ways to identifysubtle media manipulation strategies at theintersection of agenda-setting and framing.1IntroductionAuthoritarian countries such as Russia and Chinahave received a great deal of attention for tryingto control and distort the spread of informationthrough “fake news” and censorship. However,authoritarian governments might also use subtletactics of media manipulation that are much harderto detect, like flooding communication channelswith irrelevant information or highlightingparticular viewpoints of an event to distract publicattention (Rozenas and Stukal, Forthcoming;Munger et al., 2018; King et al., 2017). “Fake news”can be identified by fact checkers. Censorshipcan be detected by checking what content is nolonger available. However, we have no systematicway of identifying more subtle forms of mediamanipulation. To date, research has been limited tooccasional leaks to reveal ground truth data (Kinget al., 2017). This paper proposes techniques—grounded in economics and political science—to automatically identify subtle manipulation atscale, and applies these techniques to study Russianmedia.These subtle manipulation strategies canbe understood through agenda-setting—selectingwhat topics to cover—and framing—how aspectsof those topics are highlighted to promoteparticular interpretations (Entman, 2007; Ghanemand McCombs, 2001). For example, abortioncan be framed in terms of the life of a childor a woman’s freedom of choice (Tankard Jr,2001). Agenda-setting and framing can have asignificant influence on public opinion by attendingto particular issues at the exclusion of others(McCombs, 2002; Boydstun et al., 2013). Bothconcepts have been well-studied in Englishspeaking democratic countries, but understudied inother settings. Here, we apply these concepts to thestudy of media manipulation in Russia, particularlyas strategies of an autocratic regime.We focus on Russia, because of intense interestin the way Russia is shaping the global informationenvironment (Van Herpen, 2015). Many Russianmedia outlets are state-owned or heavily influencedby the government. We focus on news coveragefrom 2003–2016 in one of the most widely-readnewspapers in Russia: Izvestia. Despite a briefperiod of autonomy, Izvestia has become stronglyinfluenced by the government (Jones, 2002).Prior work has identified a relationship betweennegative economic performance in Russia, such asstock market declines, and “selection attribution”in state-controlled media outlets, where negativeevents are blamed on foreign officials whilepositive events are credited to domestic officials(Rozenas and Stukal, Forthcoming). We buildon these findings and investigate the relationshipbetween economic performance, including that ofthe Russia Trading System Index (RTSI) and gross3570Proceedings of the 2018 Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing, pages 3570–3580Brussels, Belgium, October 31 - November 4, 2018. c 2018 Association for Computational Linguistics

domestic product (GDP), and news coverage offoreign events. We primarily investigate coverageof the United States because Russia has seen theU.S. as its main rival since the Cold War, and weexpect news coverage of foreign events to focusdisproportionally on the U.S.We first establish a strong negative correlationbetween Russia’s economic situation and theproportion of news focused on the U.S.(§2). We then show that the correlation isdirected: economic indicators precede (and therebyGranger-cause) the increase in foreign newscoverage (§2.2). We consider this a clear caseof agenda-setting. We then investigate how thesenews articles frame the U.S. We develop a distantsupervision method to project English framingannotations onto our Russian corpus (§3), and drawon the projected frames to analyze manipulationstrategies in news about the U.S. (§5).The contributions of this work are manifold: weshow how framing and agenda-setting (conceptstraditionally applied to policy debates) can beused to understand media manipulation strategies;we use economic metrics to automate theidentification of agenda-setting; we devise a novelmethod for cross-lingual projection of framingannotations; and we use these annotations to showhow agenda-setting is realized.2Agenda-SettingAll media outlets inevitably use a form ofagenda-setting: deciding what is “newsworthy”by covering some topics at the exclusion ofothers. Agenda-setting can powerfully sway thefocus of public opinion (McCombs, 2002). Wehypothesize that in countries with weak democraticinstitutions and in particular, with state-controlledmedia, the government may actively use agendasetting to shape public opinion. We observe thisphenomenon by comparing how much Russiannewspapers describe the U.S. and the state of theRussian economy. We then use Granger-causalityto show that a decline the Russian stock market isfollowed by an increase in U.S. news coverage.Our results are based on a corpus of over 100,000articles from the newspaper Izvestia published in2003–2016 (see Appendix A for details).2.1state of Russia to test our hypothesis: that newscoverage of the U.S. is used to distract the publicfrom negative economic events. We first performedan initial, simplistic study of this agenda-settingstrategy. We define U.S. coverage as the ratio ofIzvestia articles that mention the U.S. at leasttwice to the total number of articles in anygiven time slice (in our initial study, a year).We show in Figure 1 the U.S. coverage plottedagainst Russian GDP, in an annual resolution. Wefind a strong negative Pearson’s correlation (r 0.83): mentions of the U.S. in Izvestia increase aseconomic indicators deteriorate. The one exceptionto this trend is 2008, during which there wasa high amount of U.S. news coverage and theRussian GDP peaked. This year coincides withboth the U.S. financial crisis and the ObamaMcCain Presidential election, which would explaina focus on U.S. events regardless of the Russianeconomic situation.U.S. coverage, measured by counting mentionsof the U.S. in Izvestia, is inversely related to thelevel of the Russian GDP. This negative correlationindicates the possibility of intentional agendasetting by the Russian government.CorrelationsWe compared the salience of news focused onthe U.S. with indicators that reflect the economicFigure 1: Proportion of articles that mention the U.S. atleast twice (blue) and Russian GDP (red), 2003–2016.We now extend these preliminary results inseveral ways. First, we refine the definition of U.S.coverage by using two metrics: article level, thenumber of articles that mention the U.S. at leasttwice normalized by the total number of articlesin the time slice; and word level, the frequencyof the occurrences of the U.S., normalized by thetotal number of words in the time slice. Second, wecompare these metrics to two economic indicators:GDP (in USD) and the index of the Russian3571

stock market (RTSI), in rubles.1 Third, we refinethe time-resolution and use yearly, quarterly, andmonthly time slices.Table 1 reports the correlations between the twometrics of U.S. coverage and (monthly, quarterly,and yearly) RTSI and GDP values. At all levels,there are strong negative correlations betweenthe proportion of news focused on the U.S. andeconomic state.Level: Article WordRTSI (Monthly, rubles) -0.54-0.52GDP (Quarterly, USD) -0.69-0.65GDP (Yearly, USD)-0.83-0.79Table 1: Pearson’s correlation between news coverageof the U.S. and economic indicators.2.2Tables 2 and 3 report the results. A p-value 0.05 indicates significance; thus we find 1-lagRTSI values Granger-cause coverage of U.S. newsby both the word-level and article-level metrics.Importantly, the rt 1 coefficient is negative, whichindicates that a decline in the stock market isfollowed by an increase in U.S. news coverage.In the 2-lag analysis, the rt 2 values are notsignificant, which suggests that the changes in newscoverage follow changes in the stock market withinone month.2 For completeness, we also computedGranger causality in the reverse direction: i.e., doesa change in U.S. news coverage Granger-cause achange in the stock market? As expected, we foundno significant results.wt 1wt 2rt 1rt 2Granger CausalityNext, we hypothesize that these correlations arein fact directed: a change in the economy isfollowed by a change in U.S. news coverage. Toinvestigate this hypothesis we employ Grangercausality (Granger, 1988). The key concept behindGranger causality is that cause precedes effect.Thus, a time series X is said to Granger-cause atimes series Y if past values xt i are significantindicators in predicting yt . First, we computedthe article-level (at ) and word-level (wt ) metricsat a monthly granularity from 2003 to 2016;we also extracted the RTSI monthly close price(in rubles) for the same time period (rt ). We thencalculated the percentage change of these seriestas: C(wt ) wwt 1 1, and equivalently calculatedC(at ) and C(rt ). By taking the percent change ofboth series, we control for long term trends (e.g.,stock markets tend to trend upwards over time),and instead focus on short-term relations: does achange in the economy directly precede a changein news coverage?We computed Granger causality between C(wt )and C(rt ) by fitting a linear regression model:C(wt ) mXi 1αi (C(wt i )) nXβj (C(rt j ))j 1where m and n denote how far back in time we look(denoted as m-lag or n-lag). We can say that rtGranger-causes wt if we find that β is significantlydifferent from zero.1Stock market values were obtained from the Moscowexchange website. GDP values were obtained from OECD.1-Lagα; βp-Value-0.233 0.003-0.352 0.0334-2-Lagα; βp-Value-0.320 0.00005-0.301 0.0001-0.369 0.024-0.122 0.458Table 2: Granger causality between % change in RTSIand frequency of USA (word level).at 1at 2rt 1rt 21-Lagα; βp-Value-0.222 0.005-0.311 0.035-2-Lagα; βp-Value-0.290 0.000289-0.270 0.000634-0.329 0.0267-0.091 0.543Table 3: Granger causality between % change in RTSIand frequency of USA (article level).3Framing AnalysisWe hypothesize that framing can further ourunderstanding of why Russian media focuseson the U.S. during economic downturns. Byidentifying common frames in news coverage ofthe U.S., we see how the concepts of agenda-settingand framing work together to manipulate publicattention. In this section, we first define the conceptof framing and demonstrate why existing methodsare insufficient for analysis of the Izvestia corpus.We then present a new method for analyzingframes and evaluate it quantitatively through handannotations and qualitatively through a series2We computed Granger causality at a quarterly and yearlylevel and found no significant causal relationship. This resultis unsurprising; the monthly analysis suggests trends in newscoverage are largely driven by the previous month, so wewould not expect causality at a quarterly or yearly level.3572

of examples. Finally, we use this method tocontextualize strategies of media manipulation inthe Izvestia corpus.3.1Background on Framing AnalysesWhile agenda-setting broadly refers to what topicsa text covers, framing refers to which attributesof those topics are highlighted. Several aspectsof framing make the concept difficult to analyze.First, just defining framing has been “notoriouslyslippery” (Boydstun et al., 2013). Frames can occuras stock phrases, i.e. “death tax” vs. “estate tax”,but they can also occur as broader associations orsub-topics (Tsur et al., 2015; McCombs, 2002).Frames also need to be distinguished from similarconcepts, like sentiment and stance. For example,the same frame can be used to take differentstances on an issue: one politician might arguethat immigrants boost the economy by starting newcompanies that create jobs, while another mightargue that immigrants hurt the economy by takingjobs away from U.S. citizens (Baumer et al., 2015;Gamson and Modigliani, 1989). Finally, unlikeclassification tasks where each article is assignedto a single category, most articles employ a varietyof frames (Ghanem and McCombs, 2001).Recent work has attempted to address theseconceptual challenges by defining broad framingcategories. The Policy Frames Codebook definesa set of 15 frames (one of which is “Other”)commonly used in media for a broad range ofissues (Boydstun et al., 2013). In a follow-upwork, the authors use these frames to build TheMedia Frames Corpus (MFC), which consists ofarticles related to 3 issues: immigration, tobacco,and same-sex marriage (Card et al., 2015). About11,900 articles are hand-annotated with frames:annotators highlight spans of text related to eachframe in the codebook and assign a single “primaryframe” to each document. However, the MFC, likeother prior framing analyses, relies heavily onlabor-intensive manual annotations.The primary automated methods have reliedon probabilistic topic models (Tsur et al., 2015;Boydstun et al., 2013; Nguyen et al., 2013; Robertset al., 2013). Although topic models can showresearchers what themes are salient in a corpus,they have two main drawbacks: they tend tobe corpus-specific and hard to interpret. Topicsdiscovered in one corpus are likely not relevant toa different corpus, and it is difficult to compare theoutputs of topic models run on different corpora.Other automated framing analyses have used theannotations of the Media Frame Corpus to predictthe primary frame of articles (Card et al., 2016;Ji and Smith, 2017), or used classifiers to identifylanguage specifically related to framing (Baumeret al., 2015). Importantly, all of these methodsfocus exclusively on English data sets. Whileunsupervised methods like topic models can beapplied to other languages, any supervised methodrequires annotated data, which does not exist inother languages.3.2Framing Analysis MethodologyOur goal is to develop a method that is easyto interpret and applicable across-languages. Inorder to ensure our analysis is interpretable, weground our method using the annotations of theMedia Frames Corpus. However, because the MFCis entirely in English and our test corpora is inRussian, we cannot use a fully supervised method.Instead, we use the MFC annotations to derivelexicons for each frame, which we then translateinto Russian. We use query-expansion to reducethe noisiness of machine translation and makethe lexicons specific to the Izvestia corpus, ratherthan specific to the MFC. We evaluate the derivedlexicons in English and in Russian. Finally, weuse these lexicons to analyze frames in Izvestiaand identify strategies of media manipulation. Ourmethod allows for in-depth analysis by identifyingprimary and secondary frames in a document andspecific words that signify frames.Generating framing lexicons Although ourprimary test corpus is in Russian, we also useEnglish test corpora for evaluation; thus, wedescribe our method as applicable to eitherlanguage. First, we use the MFC annotations toderive a lexicon of English words related to eachframe in the Policy Frames Codebook. For a givenframe F we measure pointwise mutual information(Church and Hanks, 1990) for each word in thecorpus as:I(F, w) logP (F, w)P (w F ) logP (F )P (w)P (w)We estimate P (w F ) by taking all textsegments annotated with frame F , and computingCount(w)Count(allwords) . We similarly compute P (w) fromthe entire corpus. We then use the 250 words withthe highest I(w, F ) as the base framing lexicon for3573

Fbaseframe F , denoted Fbase . We discard all words thatoccur in fewer than 0.5% of documents or in morethan 98% of documents.Translation and extension of framing lexiconsNext, we use query-expansion to alter Fbase , withthe goal of generalizing the lexicon. Withoutthis step, our lexicons are biased towards wordscommon in English news articles, particularlywords specific to the 3 policy issues in the MFC.When our test corpus is in a different language(i.e. Russian), we use Google Translate to translateFbase into the new language. We restrict ourvocabulary to the 50,000 most frequent words inthe test corpus.Then, to perform the query-expansion, we train200-dimensional word embeddings on a largebackground corpus in the test language, usingCBOW with a 5-word context window (Mikolovet al., 2013). We compute the center of eachlexicon, c, by summing the embeddings for allwords in the lexicon. We then identify up to theK nearest neighbors to this center, determined bythe cosine distance from c, as long as the cosinedistance is not greater than a manually-chosenthreshold (t).3 We again filtered the final set byremoving all words that occur in fewer than 0.5%of documents or in more than 98% of documents.The final lexicons contain between 100 and 300words per frame. Table 4 depicts a few examples oflexicon words extracted from the MFC, and wordsin our final lexicons. We can observe that words inFrus are closely related to words in Fbase , but alsospecific to Russian culture and politics.We consider a document to employ a frame Fif the document contains at least 3 instances ofa word from F ’s lexicon. We assign the primaryframe of a document to be its most common frame,determined by the number of words from eachframing lexicon in the document .43When the test corpus is in English, we set t to 0.4 andK to 500 and we add the identified neighbors to Fbase .When our test corpus is in Russian, we choose to discardour base lexicon, to prevent the final lexicons from being tooU.S.-specific. Instead, we set t to 0.3 and K to 1000, whichincreases the number of neighbors identified, and we keeponly these neighbors in the final lexicon.4We do not generate a lexicon for the “Other” frame, andinstead assign a document’s primary frame as “Other” only ifit does not contain at least 3 words from any framing lexicon.Throughout this process, we use small subsets of the “tobacco”articles for parameter c Table 4: Example lexicons extracted from the MFC andtransfered to the Izvestia corpus.4Evaluation of Framing LexiconsWe can evaluate the English lexicons usingannotated data from the MFC. For the Russianlexicons, since we do not have annotated Russiandata, we instead conduct an annotation task. Theseevaluation metrics determine how well our methodcaptures which frames are present in a text. Finally,we also qualitatively compare our method toexisting methods for framing analysis, specificallytopic models.English Evaluations We first evaluate ourlexicons on two tasks using the MFC annotations:primary frame identification and identification ofall frames in a document.Primary frame identification is a 15-classclassification problem. Two prior studies evaluatemodels on this task: Card et al. (2016) and Ji andSmith (2017). Following these studies, we evaluateour model using 10-fold cross-validation on onlythe “Immigration” subset of the MFC. We use 9folds to generate framing lexicons and the 10th foldto evaluate. To train word embeddings, we use theentire MFC corpus combined with over 1 millionNew York Times articles from 1986 - 2016 (Fastand Horvitz, 2017). Table 5 shows the accuracyof our model. Our results outperform Card et al.(2016) and are comparable to Ji and Smith (2017).Furthermore, unlike prior methods, our method isable to transfer to different domains and languageswithout needing further annotated data.Ji and Smith (2017)Card et al. (2016)Our model58.456.857.3Table 5: Accuracy of primary frame classification.However, our main interest is in measuring thesalience of frames in general, not merely focusingon the primary frame. Thus, we also use our3574

lexicons to identify the presence of any frames ina document. As the MFC has multiple annotators,we define a frame to be present in a document ifany annotator identified the frame, and use this asgold standard test data. In evaluating our lexicons,we consider a frame to be present in a documentif the document contains at least 3 tokens from theframe’s lexicon.To the best of our knowledge, identifyingall frames in a document is a new task thatwas not attempted in prior work. Thus, we usea logistic regression model with bag-of-wordfeatures as a standard baseline. As above, weevaluate using 10-fold cross validation on the“Immigration” subset of the MFC. Table 6 showsthat our method outperforms the baseline, with theexception of 2 frames, even though the baseline isfully supervised, whereas our method is distantlysupervised. We note that the poorest performingframes, “External Regulation and Reputation” and“Morality” are the frames which are least commonin this subset of the data – each frame occurs infewer than 500 articles. When we run the same 10fold cross validation evaluation on the “Samesex”subsection of the MFC, where the “Morality”frame occurs in over 1000 articles, we achieve ahigher F1 score (0.65).Capacity & ResourcesCrime & PunishmentCultural IdentityEconomicExternal RegulationFairness & EqualityHealth & SafetyLegality & ConstitutionalityMoralityPolicy PrescriptionPoliticalPublic SentimentQuality of LifeSecurity & .530.760.250.690.770.470.630.63Table 6: F1 Scores for identification of all frames in adocument.Russian Evaluations Next, we evaluate thequality of our method on the Russian dataset. Unlike in English, we do not have frameannotated data in Russian. We instead performedthe intruder detection task, an established methodfor evaluating topic models (Chang et al., 2009).For each frame F we randomly sampled 5 wordsfrom the framing lexicon Frus and 1 word from thelexicon of a different frame, which has no overlapwith Frus . We then presented two (native Russianspeaking) annotators with the frame heading andthe set of 6 words, and asked them to choose whichword did not belong in the set. We evaluated 15sets or 75 words per frame.Framing can be subjective, and we do notnecessarily expect annotators to interpret frames inthe same way. We calculate two forms of accuracy:“soft”, whether any annotator correctly identifiedthe intruder; and “hard”, whether both did. We alsoreport average precision as defined in (Chang et al.,2009), i.e. the average number of annotators thatcorrectly identified the intruder, averaged acrossall sets.We briefly summarize results here and reportthem fully in Appendix B. All accuracies aresignificantly better than random guessing, andno soft accuracy falls below 60%. Only twoframes have an average accuracy 60%, “Fairnessand Equality” and “Morality”, both very abstractconcepts. In these frames, we also see a largerdifference between hard and soft accuracies,which reflects the subjectivity of framing. TheMFC annotators sometimes disagreed on thecorrect annotations, even after discussing theirdisagreements (Boydstun et al., 2013). Thus, wecan attribute some of the differences between hardand soft accuracies to this subjectivity.Qualitative Comparison to Structured TopicModels We also qualitatively compared theinformation our framing lexicons provide withinformation provided by a Structured Topic Model(STM) (Roberts et al., 2013). We find that ourapproach is better able to capture frames the waya reader might conceptualize them, whereas topicmodels are useful for finding fine-grained corpusspecific topics.Topic models are a common way to analyzeframes in a text (Nguyen et al., 2013); the STMspecifically allows correlation between topics andcovariates. We trained an STM with 10, 15, 20,25, and 50 topics on U.S.-focused articles in theIzvestia corpus, including publication date (monthand year) as a covariate. We selected the 20topic model as having the most coherent topics.Throughout this section, we refer to topics usingtheir most representative words as determined bythe “Lift” metric (Roberts et al., 2013).3575

We randomly selected a sample document foreach primary frame to investigate. The framinglexicons are able to connect corpus-specificvocabulary to higher-level concepts. For example,an article describing movies about the U.S. prisonfacility at Guantanamo Bay has two main STMtopics: [laden, sentence, prison] and [author,viewer, filming]. Similarly, the framing lexiconsidentify ‘Cultural Identity” as the primary frame.However, a secondary frame in the documentis “Morality”, captured by words: writer, form,Christ, art. While both the STM and the framinglexicons capture major details of the article, theframing lexicons additionally tie the article tomorality, because words like “art” in this corpusare often signs of a moral framework.Nevertheless, when the STM identifies a topicsimilar to a frame, we find correlations with therelated lexicon, i.e. there is a 0.75 correlationbetween the frequency of words in the Legality,Constitutionality, Jurisdiction lexicon and themonthly average proportion of each documentassigned to the topic [yukos, bill, legislation].Additionally, the framing lexicons tend to havehigher precision in identifying relevant articlesthan the STM. Topics are commonly identifiedby their most probably words, which may notoccur at all in documents associated with thetopic. For example, the STM assigns an articleabout smoking policies in the U.S. to 3 maintopics: [laden, sentence, prison], [kosovo, falcons,because], [author, viewer, filming], none of whichare closely related to the article. In contrast,because assignments to the framing lexicons aremade directly from words in the lexicon, we can beconfident that articles assigned to each frame havewords from the actual lexicon, and are very likelyrelated to the frame. The framing lexicons assignthe primary frame as “Policy” for this article,which is a good fit. Neither method captures thatthe article is also related to health.Finally, the STM is useful for findingfine-grained topics, beyond the Policy FramesCodebook. For example, we find a “sports” topic:[match, nhl, team]. These topics tend to be corpusspecific and more concrete than the framinglexicons: no STM topic captures “Quality of Life”.5Identifying Media Manipulationwith the U.S. We then break the frames into finercategories and manually look at sample articlesto determine why associating these frames withthe U.S. constitutes a media manipulation strategy.We find that as the stock market declines, notonly is news focused more on the U.S., but alsoemphasizes threats to the U.S.5.1To estimate which frames are associated with theU.S. we compute normalized pointwise-mutualinformation (nPMI) between the U.S. and eachframe F 5 by mapping the mutual information scoreonto a [-1,1] scale. A value of 1 represents completeco-occurrence; a value of 0 represents completeindependence. By using nPMI, we measure whichframes are overrepresented in U.S.-focused news,as compared to other news.Figure 2: nPMI between U.S. and each frame.Figure 2 shows the nPMI score between theU.S. and each frame for all articles in ourcorpus. As any news article about the U.S. is bydefinition externally focused, the frame with thestrongest association is unsurprisingly “ExternalRegulation and Reputation”. Other frames withstrong associations include “Morality”, “Political”,“Public Sentiment”, and “Security and Defense”.These frames demonstrate what type of newsevents in the U.S are reported in Russia. Asan example, we look at an article that uses acombination of these frames. The article describescooling relations between Russia and the U.S.It explains that anti-Russian sentiment will beprevalent in the U.S. during upcoming elections,when politicians on both sides will play the “Russiacard”. It ultimately attributes the cooling relations5We first use the generated framing lexicons todetermine which frames are frequently associatedSalient framesAs above, we consider an article to be U.S.-focused if itmentions the U.S. at least 2 times, and we consider an articleto employ frame F if it uses at least 3 words from F ’s lexicon.3576

to a mismatch of values and ideology between thetwo nations. The framing lexicons well-capture thenumerous themes in this article. Specifically, theframes identified and the related framing lexiconwords are:Political: electorate, election, former, preelection, political scientists, congress, president,post, bushPublic Sentiment: elections, campaign, preelection, democrats, republicansExternal Regulation and Reputation: west,war, former, washington, politics, summit,exacerbation, west, decision, bush, presidentMorality: peace, sins, ideals, love, valuesFairness and Equality: politics, love, valuesThis article uses several strategies to promoteunity in Russia and actively separate Russia fromWestern culture, including criticizing Americanpolitics and emphasizing a difference of values.Russian articles use a combination of framesto describe the U.S.,

3.1 Background on Framing Analyses While agenda-setting broadly refers to what topics a text covers, framing refers to which attributes of those topics are highlighted. Several aspects of framing make the concept difficult to analyze. First, just defining framing has been “notoriously slippery”(Boydstunetal.,2013).Framescanoccur

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