International Norm Dynamics And Political Change
InternationalNormDynamicsand studyofinternationalandideationalconcernshave nationalthreadrunningpoliticsandarea consistentrealistviews of politics,whilerejectingzation.WhenIO was founded,dominantand es of legitimacyearlyCold War,afterall, was notsimplya positionalconflictamonganonymousgreatpowers:it was a war for"heartsand minds."The couplingof powerwithpolicyof thisperiod.'socialpurpose"was centraltoAmericanforeign"legitimatetwo of theAt the same ganddecolonizasocialconstructionprojectsoftheage: Europeanintegrationgreatestto "idealist"predecessors(inthiscase,David ignedaimedatmorethanpromotat ideationaland social ytechnicaltasks;itwas supposedoverwas supposedtodo normativeagendaand thatitwas drivenby a plicitlybetweenthem.as wellas therelationshipscolonizers,inthe1960sand 1970stobuilda nalconcernscomics ornaturalscienceneverdisplacedthesenormativein thestreamof critiquesof thedominantpletely.Theyhave sedon materialpower.Scholarsof transnationalto transnationalactorswho weresometimesrelationsin the 1970scalled ndDaniel ThomasfortheirveryhelpfulBoyle,AudieKlotz,JeffWe arealso gratefulto JamesFearon,KurtGaubatz,andon variousdraftsof answering1. Ruggie1983b.2. KeohaneandNye 1971.52,4, Autumn1998,pp. 887-917OrganizationInternational? 1998byThe 10 FoundationofTechnologyandtheMassachusettsInstitute
888 plesandnormsin waysthatopenedthedoorfora rein etheintellectualhistoryof thisrecent"turn"and locateitsproponentsin themoreabstracttheoreticaldebatesof social science.Buildingon theircontributions,we addresstheoreticalin empiricalresearchon socialissuesfacingthoseofus interestedconstructionprocessesand norminfluencesin internationalpolitics.We are concernedwithsuchquestionsas How do we knowa normwhenwe see one?How dowe knownormsmakea differencein politics?Wheredo normscomefrom?How ormsplayinpoliticalchangeboththeways in whichnorms,themselves,changeand the ways in ations(IR), is betterat explainingto "logstabilitythanchange.Claimsthatactorsconformics of appropriateness"3say littleabouthow standardsof R areparticularlyunsatisfyingduringthecurrentera of global of theempiricalresearchwe do. Lackinggood reliesheavilyon archthathas sprungup,notjustin politicalscience,butin law,economThisvarietyics, terialisusefulforourinductiveenterprise,butit also raisessome importantquestionsforthatwe exploreattheendofthearticle.macrotheoryWe use ourreviewof scholarshipinon normsandrelatedideationalphenomenathisarticleto makethreearguments.First,theideational"turn"of recentyearsisto sometraditionalconcernsofthediscipline,butithas notbroughtactuallya returnus backtopreciselythesameplacewe dramaticallyofIO, andapplying(andforthebetter)sincethefoundingto long-standingthesestandardsnormativeissueshas had conditionsin worldpolitics.Specifically,be influentialwe arguethatnormsevolvein a csdominatedifferentsegmentsofthelifecycle.Third,we arguethatthecurrentto opposenormsagainsttendencyorrationalchoiceis nothelpfulin lsalientprocesseswe see in empiricalresearch-processeswe call "strategicin whichactorsstrategizeto ,cannotbe ornormativeconchange,justas thenormativeare thustextconditionsany episode of rationalchoice. Normsand eoftheirrelationintimatelyconnected,3. MarchandOlsen,thisissue.relations.4. See Kahler,thisissue,fora historyininternationalofdebatesoverrationality
NormDynamicsandPoliticalChange 889ship.We identifyfourfocalpointsof debatewheretherelationshipbetweennormsand rationalityis leastunderstoodand mostimportant,and we showhow lyfruitfulways.The Returnto ngofjusticeandthegoodsocietybutalso abouttheinfluenceonhumanbehaviorofideas aboutjusticeand good. Our conclusions(or inthefourthB.C.E. just as E. H. Carrdid in n thedisciplineas a debunkerof "Politicalactionmustbe basedon a smfails,in featuresofpoliticslikeemotionalappealto a politicalgoal rstandingsocialpurposeandwasessentiallegitimacyto 60s and is evidentin thepages of IO. Inis Claude's workon iselywiththisissue.6EarlyIR scholarshipon -recognizedthatmuchUN to f theintegrationtheoristssuchas ErnstHaaswas ocialpurpose.8EvenrealistslikeHans Morgenthauwroteextensivelyaboutthewayin whichideationalandnormativefactorssuchas nationalism,morality,and internationallaw limitstates'exerciseofpower.9The ebehavioralrevolutionand itsenthusiasmformeasurement.and ideationalphenomNormativeena weredifficultto measureand so tendedto be pushedaside formethodologicalreasons.Thistendencywas tistswitheconomicmethodsin thelate 1970sand 1980s.10Realistsbeganrecastingthepursuitofpoweras ndedto specifyutilityin materialtermsonly.Liberalsdrewon ion,welfareimprove5. Carr[1946] 1964,97, 89.6. Claude 1966.7. See Kay 1967;Henkin1965;Jacobson1962;andBall 1961.8. Haas 1961,1964a.Foran argumentrelatedto someconcernsofthisarticle,see Haas 1993.9. Morgenthau[1948] 1985,pt.5, 6.10. Fora economicmodelsandmethodsinthestudyofU.S. politics,see Lowi 1992;Simon1993a;Lowi 1993a,b;andSimon1993b.
890 saboutself-seekinghumannature.In propriatelybe called "econorealists"and "econoliberals,"sincewhatwas newinbothcases was an to rationalchoicein no way requireda moveto a nalorsocialphenomena,ontology,andin However,wheninterestmattersrevivedin heconstructivistsled by JohnRuggie,FriedrichKratochwil,AlexanderWendt,and othhad changedin importanters,'3thedisciplineto whichnormsreturnedways.Aland the"economicturn"of the 1970sand dparsimony.As s,andideas,culture,theywill need to specifyideationalcausal claimsand mechanismsclearly,thinkon tthemicrofoundationsandevaluatethoseclaimsin l research.'4David Lumsdaine'sanalysisof therole of moralityin ytopolitics,forexample,is verydifferentillustratehis argumentsaboutthemoralcharacterof "the ordinaryman" and theThe resultis a brilliantpoliticalconsequencesof thatmorality.piece of politicalbutone vulnerableto chargesof thathumanbeingsactuallydo behaveas his "ordinarysystematicman""does and notaccordingto someotherconceptionof rolecontrast,systematicactuallydoesplaya significantinforeignaid ndcompilingextensiveevidence,bothquantitativeand qualitative,to arbitrateamongexplanato alternativetions.'5The same attentionexplanations,rigorousstandardsof evihas nce,andsocialtheoreticsearchon normsinIO on suchissuesas theendofapartheidin SouthAfrica,theendof theCold War,prohibitionsagainstcertainkindsof weapons,theend of slavery,and otherprohibitionregimes.'6In a widevarietyof issueareas,normsresearchershave madeinroadspreciselybecausetheyhave been able to esin bletoexplainsatisfactorily.11. See also Ruggie,thisissue.12. Krasner1983b.13. See ochwil1989;andAdler1997.14. Readersshouldnotethatwe use ideational"causation"hereina oractions,notcausesinthephysicalsenseoftheword.See Ruggie,thisissue.15. Lumsdaine1993.16. See Klotz 1995a;Risse-Kappen1994;Price1995;Ray 1989;andNadelmann1990.
NormDynamicsandPoliticalChange 891Normsare no easierto measuretodaythantheywerein the1930sor 1960s,butconceptualprecisionis essentialforbothmeaningfultheoreticaldebateand defensibleempiricalwork.In theremainderofthissectionwe takeup entsofnorms,orchange.stabilityDefinitionsThereis generalagreementon thedefinitionof a normas a standardof appropriatebehaviorforactorswitha givenidentity,17buta numberofrelatedconceptualissuesin politicalsciencestillcause confusionand debate.First,whereasconstructiviststalka languageof norms,sociologiststalka languageof "institutions"to refertothesesamebehavioralrules.Thus,elsewherein thisissueMarchand Olsen define"institution"as "a ingappropriatebehaviorforspecificgroupsofactorsin specificsituations."18One differencebetween"norm"and "institution"the(in thesociologicalsense) is fbehavior,whereasinstitutionsemphasizethewayin ether(a "collectionof practicesand rules").The dangerin usingthenormlanguageis thatit ctelementsofsocialinstitutionsFor example,politicalscientiststendto slip intodiscussionsof sofnorms"slavery"as ructuretheseinstitutionshas nsidesocial institutionsof socialand consideringthecomponentsas wellas srecognizedtypesorcategoriescommonisorderThe mostdistinction betweenregulativeand n.21Somescholarshavealso discusseda less tenexplicitlyfromanalysis.22Thislackofattentionis puzzling,sinceitomittedis preciselytheprescriptive(or evaluative)qualityof "oughtness"thatsetsnormsof ewhendiscussingnorms.We onlyknowwhatis appropriatebyreference17. See Katzenstein1996b,5; Finnemore1996a,22; andKlotz 1995b.18. MarchandOlsen,thisissue.19. e1993;andSpruyt1994.20. Foran excellentdiscussionoftheseissues,see Jepperson1991.21. Ruggie,thisissue;Searle 1995;Katzenstein1996b;andWendtforthcoming.22. Gelpi 1997.See, forexample,thetreatmentin Katzenstein1996b,5, fnl2.
892 InternationalOrganizationor a society.We recognizenorm-breakingbehaviorthejudgmentsof a communitybecause it generatesdisapprovalor stigmaand e,or,in thecase ofa highlyinternalizednorm,becauseitisso takenforgrantedthatit provokesno ialnormstakethegenericform"Good peopledo (ordo notdo) X insituationsA, B, C . . ." because"we typicallydo notconsidera ruleofconducttobea social normunlessa sharedmoralassessmentis attachedto its observanceornon-observance.'"24One logicalcorollaryto theprescriptivequalityof normsis that,by definition,thereare no bad normsfromthevantagepointof thosewho promotethenorm.divineNormsmostof us wouldconsider"bad"-norms aboutracial usesomegroupsbelievedintheappropriateness(thatis, the "goodness") of thenorm,and otherseitheracceptedit asobviousorinevitableorhadno choicebutto dthatslaverywas ssion,we canbegintoanswertheessentialresearchquestion:howdo we knowa normwhenwe see one?We can onlyhaveindirectevidenceofnormsforpoliticaljust as we can onlyhave indirectevidenceof rexample).However,becausenormsbydefinitionbodya qualityof tificationsforactionandleavean extensivetrailofcommunicationamongactorsthatwecan whyitfeelscompelledto continueusinglandminesin SouthKorearevealthatit recognizestheemergingnormagainsttheuse of suchmines.If notforthenorm,therewouldbe no needtomention,explain,orjustifytheuse of minesin Korea at all. Notethatwe separatenormexistenceor strengthfromactualbehavioralchangein ouroperationalization.Becauseonecentralis theeffectofnormson statebehavquestionofnormsresearchto operationalizea normin a waythatis distinctfromthestateorior,itis importantnonstatebehavioritis designedto explain.25Normsas stsharethebeforewe call it a norm.In partthisis a questionof empiricaldomain.assessmentNormsmaybe regional,forexample,butnotglobal.Even withina community,normsare "continuous,thandichotomous,ratherentities. [They]comein ntarguethatonewaytounderstandprocessis byexamamongainingwhatwe call the "life cycle" of norms.We showhow agreementcriticalmassofactorson someemergentnormcan createa tippingpointafterwhich23. For a particularlygood discussionof theway in whichconventionsproducejudgmentsof socialsee Sugden1989.See also ty,24. Fearon1997,25, fnl8.25. Legro1997.26. Ibid.,33.
NormDynamicsandPoliticalChange 893agreementbecomeswidespreadin manyempiricalcases,andwe providesomesuggestionsaboutcommonfeaturesof "criticalmass."ConnectingDomestic and InternationalNormsIn thisarticlewe are concernedwithinternationalor regionalnormsthatset finternationalnorms.Manyinternationalnormsbeganas rexample,beganas a demandfordomesticchangeInwithina handfulof countriesand eventuallynorm.28becamean sdomesticstructuresanddomesticnorms,which produceimportantandofinwhereitcompliance interpretationthesenorms.29Even ationalnormssimplytrumpdomesticnorms,a minoroftensee is a gitypositionuse internationalnormsto strengthentheirpositionin domesticdebates.In otherwords,thereis a two-levelnormgameoccurringin creasinglylinked.30We arguelater,however,thatall thesedomesticinfluencesare strongestat theearlystageof a norm'slifecycle,and domesticinfluenceslessensignificantlyonce a normhas becomeinstitutionalized intheinternationalsystem.in theRecentworkin U.S. legalcirclesalso suggeststhatthereis moresimilarityway normsand law workdomesticallyand internationallythanIR scholarshaveIR scholarshave generallyassumedthattheexistenceof a coercivestatethought.able to enforcelaws lscholarsattheUniversitythat,evenwithina domesticsetting,makingsuccessfullaw and policyrequiresanofthepervasiveinfluenceof social normsofbehavior.Thisis a parunderstandingforIR nsightsystemis characwithoutdirectpunitivecapacity.The processesterizedbylaw andnormsoperatingwhichtheselegal roughnormentrepreneurs,"normcascades,"and eon normsby scholarsin IR and suggestthattirelyconsistentIR normsresearchmightalso learnfromdomesticanalogies.For example,thenorin theUnitedStateswhichSoutherngentlemenmativeand legal minedbyLawrenceLessig,may relevanton domesticpolitics,see Kier 1997;Johnston27. ; Katzenstein1996a, 1993; and Berger1998. For a critiqueof thisemphasison internationalopposedtodomesticnorms,see Checkel1998.28. Dubois 1994.29. See ing.andPutnam1993.30. See Putnam1988;andEvans,Jacobson,
894 dsofnormsandrulescouldlead toa s providedgood explanationsof theway normsproduceMacro-leveltheorizingNormschanneland regularizebehavior;theyoftenlimitsocial orderand stability.Froma fchoiceandconstrainof ideas.33Sharedis determinedby liefsaboutappropriatebehaviorare stability.structure,change.In an iningNormidea shiftsand normshiftsare in thebalanceofpowerare to theshiftsareto theideationaltheoristrealist.of systemthepossibilityJohnRuggiearguesin ionand inventoried."The followingsectionis anformativeeffectsmustbe nand InfluenceofNormsofIn thissectionwe advancesomepropositionsabout(1) theoriginsor alnorms,(2) theprocessesthroughWe illusand(3) jorissueareas:women'srights,andlaws tionwas no epagesofInternationalof halfofnization,34thesuffragecampaignled to nandthereforeseemsworthyofstudy.Laws ofwarallowus todiscusstheimpactofnormswherewe mightleastexpectit-the traditionalsecurity31. See Sunstein1997;andLessig 1995.Foran interestingjournalist'soverview,see Rosen 1997.32. See Katzenstein1996a,3; and Sunstein1997,40. Even Waltz,in his discussionof hat"socializationreducesvariety."Waltz1979,76.33. Wendt1992andforthcoming.haspublishedonlyone articleon anyissuerelated34. In itsfirstfiftyyearsInternationalOrganizationto genderor women,CraigMurphy'sreviewessayon genderand internationalrelations;Murphy1996.We suggestthattheremayhave been a well-internalizednorm(witha taken-for-grantedquality)thatresearchon genderandwomendid notconstitutean ip.Notethatas withanywell-internalizednorm,thisdoes cleson gender-relatedtopics.To thecontrary,we knowa strongnormis ineffectwhenitdoesnotoccurto authorsto writeon thetopicor submitarticlesbecauseit is notgenerallyunderstoodas anappropriatetopic.
NormDynamicsandPoliticalChange 895in an area perceivedas Norminfluencemaybe understoodas a three-stageprocess.As shownin Figure1,thefirststageis eptance,whichwe term,followingCass Sunstein,35a 4normcascade"; and thethirdThe firsttwo stagesare dividedby a sadoptthenorm.This"tipping"point,atwhicha criticalmassofrelevantofnorminfluencehas beenfoundindependentlyin workon socialnormsinpatternor "worldU.S. legal theory,researchby scholarsofnormsin IR.36The patternis maybe involvedat differentdebatesstagesin a norm's"life cycle."Thus,theoreticalaboutthedegreeto whichnorm-basedbehavioris drelatedresearchissuesoftenturnoutto hingeon thestageof thenorm'sevolutionone examines.Changeat each stage,we argue,is characterizedby hecharacteristicmechanismofthefirstis Normentrepreneurstoconvincea criticalmassofstatesattemptmorebya(normleaders)to embracenewnorms.The secondstageis characterizedas thenormleadersattemptto socializeotherstatestobecomedynamicofimitationThe ormfollowers.cades" throughtherestof thepopulation(in thiscase, of hata combinationdesireto enhanceinternationaland thedesireof stateleadersto cascades.At thefarend of irea taken-for-grantedofbroadpublicqualityandareno longera erwomenshouldbe allowedtovote,whetherslaveryis useful,or whethermedicalpersonnelshouldbe grantedimmunityduringwar.Completionof the "lifecycle" is notan inevitableprocess.normsfail to reacha tippingpoint,and laterwe kelyto evailingstandardof eandcompeteforsupport.Researchon women'ssuffragegloballyprovidessupportfortheidea of thelifeofnormativecycleofnormsandthenotionofa esticsuffragewereactivein thenineteenthorganizations35. Sunstein1997.36. See set al. 1987;andFinnemore1993.
896 RE 1. Normlifecycleitwas dtheInternationalWomen'sSuffrageAssociation(IWSA), thatan internationalcampaignforsuffragewas launched.In fact,ratherthana A quantitativeanalysisofthecross-nationalrevealsa en'ssuffrage.38Priortoa thresholdwithoutpointin 1930,no eremostlikelyto riginalnormentrepreneursStatesand theUnitedKingdom,thiswas nota case of "hegemonicsocialization,"Finsincethefirststatesto grantwomentherightto vote(New dStatesandtheUnitedKingdomlaggedtento twentyyearsbehind.After1930,internationaland oughtheyfacedno domesticpressuresto do ststageofnormemergencelastedovereightyyears:itin 1848until1930fortwentytookfromtheSenecaFalls Conferencestatesto adoptIn en'ssuffragenorms.39workhasStage 1: Originsor emergenceof norms. Althoughlittletheoreticalfocusedexclusivelyon theprocessof "normbuilding,"theaccountsofnormoriginsin ccurrences,andfavorfromable events,usingprocesstracingor genealogyas a commonin sthatmedicalpersonnelandthosewoundedinwarbe treatedasnity.Prevailingof one man,a Genneutralsand noncombatantsare clearlytraceableto theefforts37.38.39.40.See Dubois 997.Ibid.See KowertandLegro1996;andPrice1995.
NormDynamicsandPoliticalChange 897evese Swiss bankernamedHenryDunant.Dunanthad a transformativepersonalexperienceat thebattleof Solferinoin 1859 and helpedfoundan organizationtopromotethiscause (whatbecametheInternationalCommitteeof theRed Cross)throughan internationaltreaty(thefirstGenevaConvention).The internationalcamwas similarlypaignforwomen'ssuffrageindebtedto theinitialleadershipof suchnormentrepreneursas ElizabethCady StantonandSusanB. Anthonyin theUnitedStatesand MillicentGarrettFawcettand EmmelinePankhurstin England.Bothofthesecases of "transnawho engagein "moralproselytism."'41Legal theoristtionalmoralentrepreneurs"Lessig uses theterm"meaningmanagers"or "meaningarchitects"to describethesamekindof agencyin theprocessof creatingnormsand largercontextsof memergencebecausetheycall attentiontoissuesoreven anddramatizesthem.Social movementtheoristsreferto thisreinterpretationorrenamingprocess as "framing."43The constructionofcognitiveframesis an ategies,since,whentheyare derstandingsandareadoptedas newwaysoftalkingaboutandunderstandingissues.In ativeperceptionsofbothappropriatenessand interest.In thecase of theRed Cross,Dunantandhiscolleagueshadto persuademilitarynotto treatvaluablemedicommanderscal personnelandresourcestheycapturedas spoilsofwar,tobe treatedas theysawfit.In thecase of women'ssuffrageand eroleforwomen.In otherwords,new normsneverentera normativevacuumbutinsteademergein a highlycontestednormativespace interest.Thisnormativecontestationhas inwhicha promotea new normtakeplace withinthestandardsof "appropriateness"definedby priornorms.To challengeexistinglogics of appro
International Norm Dynamics and Political Change Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink Normative and ideational concerns have always informed the study of international politics and are a consistent thread running through the life of International Organi- zation. When IO was founded, dominant realist views of politics, while rejectingFile Size: 2MBPage Count: 31Explore further8 Theories of Globalization – Explained!www.politicalsciencenotes.comPolitical Globalization: Characteristics, Consequences .www.lifepersona.comGlobalization and Politics - Political Science - alization pros and cons: economic, cultural, political .netivist.orgKey Theories of International Relations Norwich .online.norwich.eduRecommended to you b
The International Norm Context 9 2.1. Definition of a Norm 9 2.2. The Norm of Sustainability 12 2.3. International Relations Theories and Norms 13 2.4. The Life Cycle of a Norm and the Ecological Footprint 14 . , Inter
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International Norm Dynamics and Political Change Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink Normative and ideational concerns have always informed the study of international politics and are a consistent thread running through the life of International Organi- zation. When I0 was fou
An Agent-Based Model of International Norm Di usion Jonathan Ring Department of Political Science University of Iowa March 13, 2014 . The dynamics of world cultural change create an empirical pattern which can . dynamics of norm di usion. In th
458 T. T. CAI, W. LIU AND H. H. ZHOU k n1/2(logp) 3/2 under the matrix w norm for all 1 w .The commonly used spectral norm coincides with the matrix 2 norm. For a symmetric matrix A, it is known that the spectral norm A 2 is equal to the largest magnitude of eigen- values of A.Whenw 1, the matrix 1 norm is simply the ma
appropriately for m-vectors and n-vectors, the function kk: Rm n!R de ned by kAk sup x6 0 kAxk kxk max kxk 1 kAxk is a matrix norm. It is called the natural, or induced, matrix norm. Furthermore, if the vector norm is a ‘ p-norm, then the induced matrix norm satis es the submultiplicative property. The following matrix norms are of .File Size: 239KB
1 See, respectively, Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink, ‘International norm dynamics and political change’, International Organization 52: 4, 1998, pp. 887–917; Nicole Deitelhoff and Lisbeth Zimmermann, ‘Norms under challenge: unpacking the dynamics of norm robustness’,
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