The Cambridge Companion To Classical Islamic Theology
the cambridge companion toCLASSICAL ISLAMIC THEOLOGYThis series of critical reflections on the evolution and major themes ofpre-modern Muslim theology begins with the revelation of the Qur’an,and extends to the beginnings of modernity in the eighteenth century.The significance of Islamic theology reflects the immense importance ofIslam in the history of monotheism, to which it has brought a uniqueapproach and style, and a range of solutions which are of abiding interest.Devoting especial attention to questions of rationality, scriptural fidelityand the construction of ‘‘orthodoxy’’, this volume introduces keyMuslim theories of revelation, creation, ethics, scriptural interpretation,law, mysticism and eschatology. Throughout the treatment is firmly setin the historical, social and political context in which Islam’s distinctiveunderstanding of God evolved.Despite its importance, Islamic theology has been neglected inrecent scholarship, and this book provides a unique, scholarly butaccessible introduction.Tim Winter is University Lecturer in Islamic Studies, Faculty ofDivinity, University of Cambridge.Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
cambridge companions to religionA series of companions to major topics and key figures in theology andreligious studies. Each volume contains specially commissioned chaptersby international scholars which provide an accessible and stimulatingintroduction to the subject for new readers and non-specialists.Other titles in the seriesthe cambridge companion to christian doctrineedited by Colin Gunton (1997)isbn 0 521 47118 4 hardbackisbn 0 521 47695 x paperbackthe cambridge companion to biblical interpretationedited by John Barton (1998)isbn 0 521 48144 9 hardbackisbn 0 521 48593 2 paperbackthe cambridge companion to dietrich bonhoefferedited by John de Gruchy (1999)isbn 0 521 58258 x hardbackisbn 0 521 58781 6 paperbackthe cambridge companion to liberation theology, firsteditionedited by Christopher Rowland (1999)isbn 0 521 46144 8 hardbackisbn 0 521 46707 1 paperbackthe cambridge companion to karl barthedited by John Webster (2000)isbn 0 521 58476 0 hardbackisbn 0 521 58560 0 paperbackthe cambridge companion to christian ethicsedited by Robin Gill (2001)isbn 0 521 77070 x hardbackisbn 0 521 77918 9 paperbackthe cambridge companion to jesusedited by Markus Bockmuehl (2001)isbn 0 521 79261 4 hardbackisbn 0 521 79678 4 paperbackthe cambridge companion to feminist theologyedited by Susan Frank Parsons (2002)isbn 0 521 66327 x hardbackisbn 0 521 66380 6 paperbackthe cambridge companion to martin lutheredited by Donald K. McKim (2003)isbn 0 521 81648 3 hardbackisbn 0 521 01673 8 paperbackthe cambridge companion to st. pauledited by James D. G. Dunn (2003)isbn 0 521 78155 8 hardbackisbn 0 521 78694 0 paperbackthe cambridge companion to postmodern theologyedited by Kevin J. Vanhoozer (2003)isbn 0 521 79062 x hardbackisbn 0 521 79395 5 paperbackthe cambridge companion to john calvinedited by Donald K. McKim (2004)isbn 0 521 81647 5 hardbackisbn 0 521 01672 x paperbackContinued at the back of the bookCambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
the cambridge companion toCLASSICAL ISLAMICTHEOLOGYEdited by Tim WinterCambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
cambridge university pressCambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, DelhiCambridge University PressThe Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 8ru, ukPublished in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New Yorkwww.cambridge.orgInformation on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521785495ª Cambridge University Press 2008This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exceptionand to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,no reproduction of any part may take place withoutthe written permission of Cambridge University Press.First published 2008Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, CambridgeA catalogue record for this publication is available from the British LibraryLibrary of Congress Cataloging in Publication DataThe Cambridge companion to classical Islamic theology / edited by Tim Winter.p. cm. – (Cambridge companions to religion)Includes bibliographical references and index.isbn 978-0-521-78058-2 (hardback : alk. paper) – isbn 978-0-521-78549-5(pbk. : alk. paper)1. Islam–Theology–History. 2. Islam–Doctrines–History. I. Winter, T. J. II. Title:Classical Islamic theology. III. Series.bp166.1.c36 2008297.209–dc222008008970isbn 978-0-521-78058-2 hardbackisbn 978-0-521-78549-5 paperbackCambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence oraccuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred toin this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on suchwebsites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
ContentsNotes on contributors page ixIntroduction 1tim winterPart IHistorical perspectives1 Qur’an and hadith 19m. a. s. abdel haleem2 The early creed 33khalid blankinship3 Islamic philosophy (falsafa)hossein ziai554 The developed kalām tradition 77oliver leaman (part i) and sajjad rizvi (part ii)5 The social construction of orthodoxyahmed el shamsyPart II97Themes6 God: essence and attributesnader el-bizri1217 Creation 141david b. burrell csc8 Ethics 161steffen a. j. stelzer9 Revelation 180yahya michot10 The existence of God 197ayman shihadeh11 Worship 218william c. chittickviiCambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
viiiContents12 Theological dimensions of Islamic lawumar f. abd-allah13 Theology and Sufismtoby mayer23725814 Epistemology and divine discourse 288paul-a. hardy15 Eschatology 308marcia hermansenIndex325Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Notes on contributorsUmar F. Abd-Allah received his PhD in Arabic and Islamic Studies from theUniversity of Chicago in 1978 with a dissertation on the origins of Islamiclaw. His principal interests are Islamic intellectual and spiritual history, thehistory of Islam in the West, and comparative religion. He taught academicallyin the United States, Canada and Saudi Arabia for more than twenty yearsbefore taking up his present post as chairperson and scholar-in-residence ofthe Nawawi Foundation (Chicago), an educational organisation devoted toexploring Islamic intellectual, spiritual and cultural legacies and making themrelevant today. His most recent book, A Muslim in Victorian America: TheLife of Alexander Russell Webb, appeared in 2006.M. A. S. Abdel Haleem was educated at al-Azhar, Cairo, and CambridgeUniversities, and has taught Arabic at the universities of Cambridge and Londonsince 1966. He is now Professor of Islamic Studies at the School of Oriental andAfrican Studies, University of London. Among his recent publications areUnderstanding the Qur’an: Themes and Style (2001), English Translations of theQur’an: The Making of an Image (2004), and a new translation of The Qur’an(2004).Nader El-Bizri is a Research Associate in Philosophy at The Institute of IsmailiStudies, London, and an Affiliated Lecturer at the Department of History andPhilosophy of Science at the University of Cambridge. He is also a VisitingProfessor at Lincoln University, and acts as a Chercheur Associé at the CentreNational de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS, Paris). He previously taught atthe universities of Nottingham and Harvard and the American University ofBeirut. In addition, he is an elected member of the Steering Committee of theSociété Internationale d’Histoire des Sciences et des Philosophies Arabes etIslamiques (CNRS, Paris). His areas of research are Arabic Sciences andPhilosophy, Phenomenology, and Architectural Humanities.Khalid Blankinship obtained his PhD in history in 1988, with a specialisationin Islam, from the University of Washington. Since 1990, he has worked as aprofessor in the Department of Religion at Temple University in Philadelphia.He has remained active in research and lecturing on religion in general andIslam in particular. His book, The End of the Jihad State: The Reign of Hishamibn ‘Abd al-Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads was published in 1994;ixCambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
x Notes on contributorshe also translated two of the thirty-eight volumes of The History of al-Tabar ıfor the Tabar ı Translation Project.David B. Burrell CSC is Theodore M. Hesburgh Professor in Philosophy andTheology at the University of Notre Dame, USA. His publishing career began in1973 with Analogy and Philosophical Language, and led to a series of studies ofSt Thomas Aquinas. Since 1982 he has worked mainly in comparative issues inphilosophical theology in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. His more recent worksinclude Freedom and Creation in Three Traditions (1993), and two translationsof theological texts by al-Ghaz al ı.William C. Chittick is Professor of Religious Studies in the Department ofAsian and Asian-American Studies, State University of New York, StonyBrook. He has published twenty-five books and numerous articles on Islamicintellectual history, including The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual Teachingsof Rumi (1983), The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn al-‘Arabı̂’s Metaphysics ofImagination (1989), and The Heart of Islamic Philosophy (2001).Ahmed El Shamsy is a doctoral candidate in History and Middle Eastern Studiesat Harvard University. He received his BA and MSc from the University ofLondon, and has also studied Islamic theology and law in Germany and Egypt. Hisdoctoral research investigates the early social and intellectual history of theSh afi‘ ı school of law; in conjunction with this project, he is preparing a criticaledition of a ninth-century work by al-Sh afi‘ ı’s successor al-Buwayt ı.Paul-A. Hardy took his BA/MA from Oxford, and his PhD in Islamic Thoughtfrom the University of Chicago. He has lectured at the School of Oriental andAfrican Studies in the University of London and at Hunter College, New York.He is the author of the forthcoming Avicenna on Self-Knowing.Marcia Hermansen is Professor of Islamic Studies and Director of the IslamicWorld Studies Minor at Loyola University, Chicago. She published The h Wal ı Alla h of Delhi’s Hujjat All ahConclusive Argument from God: Shaal-B aligha (1996), and is co-editor of the Encyclopedia of Islam and the MuslimWorld (2003).Oliver Leaman has been Professor of Philosophy at the University of Kentucky,USA, since 2000. Before that he taught in the United Kingdom and Africa. He haswritten Islamic Aesthetics: An Introduction (2004). He edited The Qur’an: AnEncyclopedia, and the Biographical Dictionary of Islamic Philosophers, bothpublished in 2006. He has also written and edited several earlier publications onIslamic philosophy and the philosophy of religion.Yahya Michot was from 1981 until 1997 Director of the Centre for ArabicPhilosophy at the University of Louvain, before taking up his current postas Islamic Centre Lecturer in the Faculty of Theology, University of Oxford.His research interests include the theology of Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328) and thelife and philosophy of Avicenna (d. 1037). Among his recent publications areCambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Notes on contributorsxiIbn Taymiyya: Un Dieu hésitant? (2004) and Muslims under Non-MuslimRule (2006).Toby Mayer is currently a Research Associate at the Institute of IsmailiStudies, London, where he works on the esoteric hermeneutics of the Qur’anby figures like Shahrast an ı and Āmul ı, as well as teaching courses on theQur’an and Sufism. Until 2003 he held a lectureship at the School of Orientaland African Studies, London, where he taught Islamic philosophy andmysticism. In addition to a number of articles on Islamic philosophy, he isthe co-author, with Wilferd Madelung, of Struggling with the Philosopher: ANew Arabic Edition and English Translation of Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Kar ım n ı’s Kit ara‘a.al-Shahrastaab al-Mus Sajjad Rizvi is Senior Lecturer in Islamic Studies at the University of Exeter.He specialises in Islamic intellectual history, in particular the thought of the Sadra Sh ıra z ı (2007) and with FerasSafavid period, and is the author of MullaHamza of Understanding the Word of God (2008). Current projects include astudy of time and creation in Islamic philosophy and Islamic intellectualhistory in India.Ayman Shihadeh is Lecturer in Islamic Studies and Arabic at the Universityof Edinburgh. He specialises mainly in ethical theory in Islam and in theMiddle Period of Islamic philosophy and theology, especially twelfth-century m and philosophical traditions, criticism ofinteraction between the kalaAvicenna, and the thought of Fakhr al-D ın al-R az ı. He is the author of The z ı (2006).Teleological Ethics of Fakhr al-D ın al-RaSteffen A. J. Stelzer is Professor of Philosophy and Chair of the Departmentat the American University in Cairo. He obtained his PhD from the FreieUniversität Berlin, engaged in research at the École Normale Supérieure inParis and at Harvard, and has taught at Johns Hopkins University. His areas ofspecialisation include rationality and revelation, the conditions and constituents of philosophical discourse, concepts of the transmission of knowledge,and comparative analyses of Western philosophical and Islamic models.Hossein Ziai is Professor of Islamic and Iranian Studies at UCLA. He haspublished many articles and several books on the Arabic and Persian Illuminationist system of philosophy. He has published several text-editions andtranslations of Arabic and Persian Illuminationist texts, including Suhraward ı’sPhilosophy of Illumination, Shahraz ur ı’s Commentary on the Philosophy ofIllumination, and Ibn Kamm una’s Commentary on Suhraward ı’s Intimations.Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Introductiontim winterThis volume presents a series of critical scholarly reflections on theevolution and major themes of pre-modern Muslim theology. GivenIslam’s salience in religious history and its role as final religious inheritorof the legacies of monotheism and classical antiquity, such a collectionhardly needs justification. The significance of Islamic theology reflectsthe significance of Islam as a central part of the monotheistic project asa whole, to which it brings a distinctive approach and style, and a rangeof solutions which are of abiding interest.Despite this importance it is fair to say that until recently the studyof theology was something of a Cinderella subject within Islamic studies, particularly in the Anglo-Saxon world. In part this flowed from thepersistence of nineteenth-century assumptions about the marginality ofabstract intellectual life in Islam, and about the greater intrinsic interestand originality of Muslim law and mysticism. It was also commonlythought that where formal metaphysics was cultivated in Islamic civilisation, this was done seriously only in the context of Arabic philosophy(falsafa), where it was not obstructed by futile scriptural controls, andwhere it could perform its most significant function, which was believedto be the transmission of Greek thought to Europe.However, a steady process of scholarly advance over the past twodecades, coupled with the publication of critical editions of importantearly texts, has turned the study of Muslim theology into a dynamic andever more intriguing discipline. Old assumptions about Muslim theologyas either a narrow apologetic exercise or an essentially foreign importinto Islam have been successfully challenged. Scholars have moved onfrom a somewhat mechanical focus on doxography and on tracking thecontributions of the Greek tradition, towards the recognition thatIslamic metaphysics contain much that is purely indigenous, that is tosay, rooted in the language and concerns of the qur’anic revelation.In decline, likewise, has been the unspoken assumption that whatwas of value in classical Muslim civilisation was what fed into the story1Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
2 Introductionof the West. On that view, the Muslims acted as no more than‘‘go-betweens’’, a ‘‘devious Gulf-stream which brought back to Europeits Greek and Alexandrine heritage’’.1 Arabic philosophy after Averroes,and almost the entirety of the formal theology, were thus relegated tothe status of an intellectual byway. As we shall see, new research, and aless Eurocentric vision of history and of the remit of scholarship, havedone much to challenge this outlook.classical theology: a definitionA word about the title of our collection. The term ‘‘classical’’ is usedto cover the era which stretches between the qur’anic revelation and theeighteenth century, with the accent falling on the period between thetenth and thirteenth centuries. For most of this ‘‘classical’’ period m, literally ‘‘discourse’’, that is to say, the formal academicthe kaladiscipline which one scholar aptly calls ‘‘Islamic doctrinal theology’’,2stood at or very near the apex of the academic curriculum. However, this mbook does not identify ‘‘theology’’ as coterminous with this kalatradition. Instead, it acknowledges that many issues which most readerswill recognise as theological were treated by Muslim civilisation in awide range of disciplines. As William Chittick defines it in his chapter,theology is ‘‘God-talk in all its forms’’.The most obvious of these disciplines was Sufism, a category ofesoteric and ascetical traditions rather larger than ‘‘mysticism’’ ascommonly understood, which frequently addressed issues of creation,ethics, pastoral care, providence, inspiration, miracle and other topicswhich in medieval Latin cultures would more usually have been dealtwith under a theological rubric. Sufism quickly developed to provide amystical tradition more fully recognised by mainstream thought thanwas the case with the other monotheisms. It is not entirely clear whythis should have been the case, but we may speculate that the processwas facilitated by the Qur’an’s radical monotheism, which, by resistingany hint of dualism, thoroughly sacralised the world as a matrix of m through the evolution of doctrines‘‘signs’’.3 When integrated into kalaof occasionalism, this resistance in turn gave mainstream theology anatural hospitality to often quite radical mystical concerns.4In this way, and despite their programmatic rationalism, many m thinkers tended to be explicit about their respect forleading kalaSufism as a path to knowledge; as David Burrell shows in this volume,al ı (d. 1111) was destined to be the iconic example ofAb u H amid al-Ghaz this, but his great Ash‘arite successor Fakhr al-D ın al-R az ı (d. 1210),Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Introduction3perhaps Islam’s greatest philosophical theologian, also showed increasing respect for Sufi approaches to knowledge in his later works.5 Recognising that the field now acknowledges the validity and even thecentrality of Sufism in constructions of Muslim ‘‘orthodoxy’’, regularreferences will be made to Sufi discussions, particularly in the chapterson worship and epistemology, and in the long chapter by Toby Mayer m’s relationship with Sufism, focusing in awhich directly addresses kalaparticularly helpful way on the Avicennian component of later Sufithought. Ibn ‘Arab ı (d. 1240), the Andalusian polymath and esoterist,merits a number of titles, but he is certainly a theologian, despitehis regular habit of soaring well beyond the reach of reason. WilliamChittick, in his chapter, suggests that Ibn ‘Arab ı may even be viewed asthe final summation of Islamic intellectuality. Although Ghaz al ı, in hisRevival of the Religious Sciences, had sought to integrate the variousexoteric and esoteric disciplines in a way which transcended theboundaries between them, thus claiming a universal coherence forIslamic intellectuality, it was Ibn ‘Arab ı who brought this ambitiousreintegrative initiative to a peak of intricacy, by proposing a detailedmystical theology that seemed to incorporate all the great topics of m, philosophy, law and Sufism into a vast, brilliant (and hugelykalacontroversial) synthesis. It has even been suggested, paraphrasingWhitehead’s remark about Plato, that ‘‘the history of Islamic thoughtsubsequent to Ibn ‘Arab ı (at least down to the 18th century and theradically new encounter with the modern West) might largely be construed as a series of endnotes to his works.’’6 This view, which is new in mthe field, is still not universally accepted, and its neglect of later kalamakes it an overstatement, but it is noticeably gaining ground.Paralleling this shift in our understanding of the historical rela m has been a maturing grasp of the revealedtionship of Sufism to kalalaw of Islam, the Shar ı‘a. The great lawbooks typically included discussions of issues concerning language and human accountability whichwere purely theological; indeed, the entire remit of Muslim law could besaid to be theological, since it takes the function of the law to be thepreparation of society and the individual to receive God’s grace. A separate chapter, by Umar F. Abd-Allah, engages with this importantdimension of Islam’s theological history.There was still another discipline which incorporated theologicalconcerns. This was falsafa (Arabic philosophy, from Greek philosophia),a tradition substantially borrowed and adapted from late antiquity. m, andModern scholars take forensic pains to separate falsafa from kalamedieval Muslims usually did the same; yet since its great exponentsCambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
4 Introductionwere Muslims who believed in the Qur’an and the Prophet, it candefensibly be seen as a Muslim theology, as well as an intellectual m and, as we are nowtradition that constantly informed the kala7acknowledging, stood also in its debt.Altogether it is clear that by limiting themselves to the disciplinaryboundaries imposed by medieval Muslims themselves, Western treatments of Islamic theology have often neglected the wealth of properly m in the civilisation’stheological discussions appearing outside the kalaliterature. As well as imposing on anglophone readers a division of thesciences which may seem to make little sense in their context, theresult has often been a somewhat dry and partial treatment of the greatissues of Muslim monotheism, a shortcoming which this volume hopes,in part, to remedy.the state of the fieldDrawing together the core topics of Muslim theology from thesehistorically distinct disciplines has brought into sharp relief the veryfragmented and sometimes idiosyncratic nature of Western scholarshipof Islam, the tradition sometimes known as ‘‘Orientalism’’. Overwhelmingly this discipline has been built up from contributions made byindividuals, not by schools. Thinkers and texts are brought to the foreduring a scholar’s lifetime, and may then quickly sink into undeservedobscurity. Occasionally, cultural prejudices which designate Islam as a‘‘religion of law’’ with no natural metaphysical concerns have beensalient, and on occasion, such presumptions have uneasily recalled antiSemitic parallels.8 Yet the huge contributions made by the small numberof persistent leaders in this discipline are impossible to ignore: texts havebeen rescued from obscurity and expertly edited, and important studieshave been published on many leading thinkers, particularly al-Ash‘ar ı,al-M atur ıd ı, al-Ghaz al ı and Fakhr al-D ın al-R az ı, with the pace of publication quickening somewhat in recent years. As this volume demonstrates, many of the younger scholars in the field are Muslims, and thefact that, as in other ‘‘Orientalist’’ disciplines such as qur’anic studies,they have adapted so well to the discipline’s paradigms, suggests thatolder ideas of Western Islamic studies as a monolithic and structurallyanti-Islamic project now need to be modified, if not discarded altogether.Yet the field is visibly deficient. Resources and posts in Muslimtheology in Western universities remain woefully inadequate, evenwhen compared to the situation in Chinese and Indic studies, andthe appeal of the field to students whose initial interest in Islam, inCambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
Introduction5the imperial and modern periods alike, may have been triggered bycontemporary political, social, or legal issues, has been limited. Thisunfortunate situation has been further exacerbated by the sheerimmensity of the literature, most of which remains in manuscript.Attention continues to be focused on the central Islamic lands, and m curriculum was fairly consistentalthough most accept that the kalathroughout the ‘‘high’’ institutions of the pre-modern Islamic world,9our detailed knowledge of traditional Muslim metaphysics in regionssuch as South-East Asia must be described as embryonic. As a result,current Western scholarship cannot, with perfect honesty, present anything like a complete synthetic history of Muslim intellectuality, oreven a definitive list of the major thinkers. This is particularly truefor the later period. Although, thanks to the efforts of Henry Corbin,Hossein Ziai and others, we are aware of the continuing vitality ofIslamic philosophy in the later centuries, and indeed, up to the present m after the thirteenth century largely remainsday, the history of kalaterra incognita.characteristicsWe need to ask: what is Islamic about Islamic theology? Most evidently, it is Islamic to the extent that it may be traced back in some wayto the Prophet Muhammad and his distinctive vision of the One God.According to his scripture, he was sent ‘‘as a mercy to the worlds’’(Qur’an 21:107), and one aspect of that mercy, as Muhammad AbdelHaleem suggests in chapter 1, was that he mapped out a religious path ofgreat simplicity. This was to be the simplicity of an Abrahamic and h ımiyya han ıfiyya), marked by an‘‘primordial’’ monotheism (milla ibraiconoclastic rejection of idolatry, a call to repentance, and an unshakeable trust in the justice and mercy of God. Emerging, as Muslimsbelieved, to restore unity and a holy simplicity to a confessional worldcomplicated by Christian disputes over the Trinity and the Incarnation,10 the qur’anic intervention seemed to its hearers to promise anew age for the human relationship with God, one so straightforwardthat in the eyes of a small but persistent margin, there would be no need m) at all. Voices are therefore raised against thefor a ‘‘theology’’ (kala m enterprise through the Islamic centuries; the angry Censure ofkalaSpeculative Theology by Ibn Qud ama (d. 1223) assumes that scripture m is analone suffices; al-Haraw ı (d. 1089) agrees, suggesting that kalaunreliable substitute for the true gift of mystical illumination. Both menhad their passionate supporters.11Cambridge Collections Online Cambridge University Press, 2008
6 IntroductionMonotheism, however, is never as simple as most of its advocateswould wish. Its inbuilt paradoxes, which had already exercised anddivided Jews and Christians, ensured that most Muslim thinkers cameto recognise the need for a formal discipline of argument and proofwhich could establish the proper sense of a scripture which turned out tobe open to many different interpretations. The trigger, in almost every ’) of heretics and innovcase, was the need to defeat the whims (ahwaators. Khalid Blankinship’s chapter provides a survey and assessment ofthe first such debates. God was indeed One, and Muhammad was Hisfinal Prophet: this much was never contested. But were God’s names, soabundant in the Qur’an, in existence before the world? If so, was it rightto say that they were identical with His essence, or were they in someway distinct? Did the Qur’an pre-date its bearer? Why did God insist onhuman accountability, when He, as Omnipotent and All-KnowingCreator, is surely not ignorant of what human beings will do? Are goodand evil intrinsic, or are they utterly subject to the divine volition? Isfaith enough for salvation? In what sense will the Prophet intercede forsinners? What did he envision when he said that God would be seen bythe blessed in Paradise?Many disturbing questions of this kind in turn seemed to be generated by a tension implicit in the Qur’an itself. Some verses spoke of a Godwho seemed utterly transcendent, so that ‘‘nothing is like him’’ (Qur’an42:11). Such a deity ‘‘is not asked about what he does’’ (21:23), and appears m) which seemedto expect only the unquestioning submission (islaimplicit in the very name of the new religion. But there were many otherpassages which implied a God who is indeed, in some sense that urgentlyneeded definition, analogous to ourselves: a God who is ethically coherent, and whose qualities are immanent in his creation, so that ‘‘Wheresover you turn, there is God’s face’’ (2:115). This fundamental tensionbetween transcendence and immanence, or, as Muslims put it, between‘‘affirming difference’’ (tanz ıh) and ‘‘affirming resemblance’’ (tashb ıh),became intrinsic to the structuring of knowledge in the new civilisation.As one aspect of this it could be said, at the risk of very crude generalisation, that the Qur’an’s theology of transcendence was explored by the m folk, and its theology of immanence by the Sufis, which is why,kalaperhaps, we should seek for Islam’s greatest theologians among those whoemphasised the symbiosis of the two disciplines. It may be thus, ratherthan for any unique originality, that Ghaz al ı came to be called the ‘‘proofof Islam’’, and Ibn ‘Arab ı the ‘‘greatest shaykh’’. Their apparent eclecticism was in fact a programmatic attempt
the cambridge companion to biblical interpretation edited by John Barton (1998) isbn 0 521 48144 9 hardback isbn 0 521 48593 2 paperback the cambridge companion to dietrich bonhoeffer edited by John de Gruchy (1999) isbn 0 521 58258 x hardback isbn 0 521 58781 6 paperback the cambridge companion to liberation theology, first edition
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The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy edited by P. E. Easterling The Cambridge Companion to Old English Literature edited by Malcolm Godden and Michael Lapidge The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance edited by Roberta L. Kreuger The Cambridge Companion to Medieval English Theatre edited by Richard Beadle The Cambridge Companion to English
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Chính Văn.- Còn đức Thế tôn thì tuệ giác cực kỳ trong sạch 8: hiện hành bất nhị 9, đạt đến vô tướng 10, đứng vào chỗ đứng của các đức Thế tôn 11, thể hiện tính bình đẳng của các Ngài, đến chỗ không còn chướng ngại 12, giáo pháp không thể khuynh đảo, tâm thức không bị cản trở, cái được
