Early Adolescents' Perceptions And Attitudes Towards Gender . - Ed

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Journal of Media Literacy Education, 12(2), 28-40, 2020https://doi.org/10.23860/JMLE-2020-12-2-3ISSN: 2167-8715Early adolescents' perceptions and attitudestowards gender representations in video gamesHelen LiuYork University, CanadaOPEN ACCESSPeer-reviewed articleCitation: Liu, H. (2020). Earlyadolescents' perceptions and attitudestowards gender representations invideo games. Journal of MediaLiteracy Education, 12(2), esponding Author:Helen Liuhliu566@gmail.comCopyright: 2020 Author(s). This isan open access, peer-reviewed articlepublished by Bepress and distributedunder the terms of the CreativeCommons Attribution License, whichpermits unrestricted use, distribution,and reproduction in any medium,provided the original author andsource are credited. JMLE is theofficial journal of NAMLE.ABSTRACTThis study investigated adolescents’ perception and attitudes towards genderrepresentation in video game covers, and the degree to which these depictionsmay influence their notions on gender and identification. Seventeenparticipants ranging from ages 12 and 13 participated in semi-structuredinterviews to explore this topic. This study’s conceptual frameworkencompassed social cognitive theory, gender schema theory, and cultivationtheory. Findings suggest that gender representation in video games doesinfluence the majority of participants’ notions of gender. However, there aredifferences between how males and females’ approach, interpret, and respondto this type of media. Findings also showcased that evidence of implicit biaswas detected in both male and female participants, demonstrated throughinconsistencies in their responses. Finally, the findings revealed a significantlack of identification from the majority of participants with video gamecharacters, as many participants were able to clearly distinguish betweensimulated and real-life experiences.Keywords: video games, early adolescents, gender socialization, genderrepresentation, media literacy.Received: February 1, 2019Accepted: May 13, 2020Published: July 21, 2020Data Availability Statement: Allrelevant data are within the paper andits Supporting Information files.Competing Interests: The Author(s)declare(s) no conflict of interest.Editorial BoardJournal of Media Literacy EducationTHE OFFICIAL PUBLICATION OF THENATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION (NAMLE)Online at www.jmle.org

INTRODUCTIONMedia is an influential socializing agent of themodern era, with video games representing one of themost popular forms of media entertainment around theworld (Bègue et al., 2017). The Entertainment SoftwareAssociation of Canada (2016) reported that 57% ofCanadian adults own a console, while ages rangingspecifically from 18 to 34 led console ownership at 70%.With such widespread usage, concerns regarding theinfluence of video games on youth continue to be aprevalent issue, particularly in the wake of growingplatform options and technological advancements thatmake the gaming industry’s offerings more enticing andaccessible (Bègue et al., 2017). Previous literature hasidentified a relationship between the use of video gamesand effects on gender identification and socializationamong youth. Thus, the current research study aimed toexplore adolescents’ perception and attitudes towardsgender representation in video games, and the degree towhich these depictions might influence their notions ongender and identification.Fox and Bailenson (2009) discussed how incomparison to males, female video game characters aremuch more likely to be depicted in an objectified orsexualized manner, and often confined to secondary orinferior roles. These characterizations of females ingames are frequently further generalized into twoformulaic exaggerations of temperament: the vamp andthe virgin. These representations dominate in media andFox and Bailenson (2009) highlighted how they couldultimately distort individuals’ apprehension ofacceptable gender related suppositions, as females mightbecome associated with these two stereotypes.Reinforcement of these sentiments can perpetuateperceptions of females existing solely within a sexualcontext and foster unseemly behavioral inclinations,particularly towards females, among players that areregularly subject to games where female objectificationis featured as a central motif (Bègue et al., 2017; Fox &Potocki, 2016; Yao et al., 2010).In contrast, male video game characters are oftenrepresented as unrealistically dominant in multiplerespects and hypermasculine to an extent that is likelydamaging to the process of healthy self-definition(Gabbiadini et al., 2016). Martins et al. (2011) revealedthe average American male’s body proportions are notaccurately represented by male video game characters.Male game characters were instead found to be endowedwith enlarged chest, waist, and hip measurements. Foxand Tang (2014) additionally considered links betweenLiu ǀ Journal of Media Literacy Education, 12(2), 28-40, 2020masculine norms and authoritarian societal positionsconventionally assigned to males. They examined thepotential degenerative effect on modern healthy socialdevelopment brought on by the promotion of traditionalmasculinity customarily associated with hostility andestablishing supremacy, contributing to problematicpatriarchal social structures (Anderson et al., 2010).Though stereotypical representations within themedia are often seen as harmless or merely utilized forthe purposes of entertainment, Fox and Bailenson(2009) revealed that in actuality, subjection to thesexualized and stereotyped portrayals of femalesprompts both interim and prolonged consequences. Thesustained schemas of individuals, for example, oftenmirror stereotypes as the result of an effort to compresstheir surrounding world into manageable and easilyunderstood categorizations (Deskins, 2013). As such,the long-established depictions of females and maleswithin the video games adolescents play can affect theirgender identities and expectations (Fox & Bailenson,2009). Gabbiadini et al. (2016) highlighted tely assessed as guiding catalysts forsocialization given their strong presence in prevalentyouth culture. Individuals, specifically adolescents,depend on immediate environmental transpirations toformulate their templates for feminine and masculineinteraction, from which they surmise expectations ofgendered conduct. As such, the messages receivedthrough video games can impact the long-termformation of identity due to adolescent individuals’subconscious assimilation and retention of earlyexposure to gender roles.However, much of the literature regarding theinfluences of playing video games focuses on the violentcontent found in these entertainment games. Many suchstudies explore the effect of violent video games onadolescents’ cognitive and social development(Exelmans et al., 2015; You et al., 2015). Despiteacknowledging relevant issues in the content of videogames, few empirical studies have applied systematicscrutiny in the exploration of gender related andidentification effects, both positive and negative. Of thestudies that have explored impacts of gendersocialization and identification (Gabbiadini et al., 2016;Huh, 2015), data regarding adolescents, specificallyindividuals ranging from ages 11-13 who attendelementary school, is less clear.Studies that investigate the relationship betweenvideo games and gender issues and identification havebeen conducted in greater frequency with adolescents29

attending secondary and postsecondary institutions (Fox& Potocki, 2016; Gabbiadini et al., 2016; Yao et al.,2010). There remain vast opportunities to expand uponthe understanding of adolescents in the context of theirgame playing habits in order to make meaningfulcomparisons to the abundance of data on olderadolescents and young adults.Purpose of studyThis study explored perceptions and attitudestowards gender representation in video games throughthe examination of video game experiences and genderrepresented through video game covers amongadolescents with varying levels of exposure to gaming.The discussions regarding gender representation in thisstudy will revolve around early adolescents’ perceptionsand attitudes towards gender representation in videogames and the analysis of video game covers. Therepresentations will focus on male and female gendersdue to the lack of representations of transgender, genderqueer, non-binary, and intersex characters in videogames and literature (Shaw & Friesem, 2016). Thepresent study aimed to precipitate awareness and toprovide better understanding about the issues related togender and identity in relation to video game playing.This topic is especially pertinent given the commonunder-appreciation for the media’s ability to enact socialchange through long-term subjection to digital content.Therefore, it was the intent of this study to explore andbuild upon understandings of how video gameconsumption may influence notions of gender, gendersocialization, and self-identification in adolescents.Research questionsThe primary research questions guiding this studywill consist of the following:1. What are adolescents’ video game playing patternsand habits?2. What are adolescents’ perceptions and attitudestowards gender representation in video games?3. What beliefs and attitudes do adolescents conveyabout what it means to be a particular genderrepresented in video games?4. What beliefs, attitudes, and experiences doadolescents convey about what it means to be aparticular gender in real life?5. What degree of identification do participantsexperience in real life pertaining to portrayals invideo games?Liu ǀ Journal of Media Literacy Education, 12(2), 28-40, 20206.How do participants’ video game playing patternsand habits influence their gender socialization andidentification with video game characters?Theoretical frameworkTo guide the thinking and structure of this study,social cognitive theory, gender schema theory, andcultivation theory were used as the theoreticalframework in order to understand the relationshipbetween adolescents and video game play, specificallypertaining to social and cognitive development. Socialcognitive theory advances that social experiences, bothdirect and observed, comprise a significant andimportant portion of developmental learning. Accordingto Bandura (2001), this theory accounts for the ability ofsocial influences to set or alter expectations and mouldbehavioral cognition. Thus, defining social experiencesare processed into manageable and generally applicabletemplates for future conduct. Gender schema theoryproposes that children foster stereotypical notions ofgender from their interactions with their immediateenvironment. Through these interactions, children willestablish gendered knowledge structures with theexpectation that their attitudes and behaviors will alignwith distinct genders (Bussey & Bandura, 1999).Finally, cultivation theory suggests that media has theability to influence individuals’ views andunderstandings of social reality through the interactiveand experiential nature of these virtual environments. Assuch, adolescents may be more vulnerable toimpressions of gender norms and identificationprocesses (Fox & Potocki, 2016).METHODOLOGYThe study utilized a descriptive study approach,which provided a relatable and comprehensive summaryof an experience or event while pursuing descriptivevalidity, documentation, and precise accounts of theexperience or event in question (Sandelowski, 2000).The 17 participants in this study consisted of grade 7 and8 students, 12 to 13 years of age, from one independentboarding and day school in Ontario. Students in thisrange are transitioning from childhood to earlyadolescence, which is a period of significantdevelopmental changes that establish long-term meansof self-identification among youths (Eccles, 1999).Purposeful sampling was employed during participantselection in order to garner the most informative andgainful data from participants closely related to the topic30

of study. This voluntary study involved the students ofone participating teacher and sample size was limited bya combination of parameters. The independent boardingand day school operates with reduced classroom sizescompared to public school systems and sample size wasfurther limited to those students who obtained parentalconsent, many of whom encountered complications as aresult of their status as international students. Of theremaining candidates, only students that identifiedthemselves as video game players participated.Participants’ qualitative responses were obtainedthrough a semi-structured interview that consisted of amix of close-ended and open-ended questions conceivedto map their video game consumption patterns, attitudestowards gendered roles within video games, andperception of game depictions and themselves. Prior tothe interview, participants were asked whether or notthey knew what gender stereotypes were in order toensure their understanding of the discussion topic.Examples and further clarification of terms or conceptswere provided as necessary.The first component of the interview consisted ofquestions that were developed in order to establish anunderstanding of participants’ video game playinghabits, patterns, and attitudes. The second interviewcomponent encompassed more open-ended questionsthat offered an opportunity for participants to providedeeper answers and further contributed to a erceptions of gender and identity with characters fromvideo games. The final component of the interviewutilized cover images retrieved from the top 10 bestselling video games of 2017 in the United Statesreported by the NPD Group Incorporated (Makuch,2017). Selecting gaming media from a verified list ofrecent best-selling titles was considered a reasonablemeans of maintaining a discussion that was relevantamongst the current adolescent populace. Participantsexamined the following game covers: Madden NFL 18,NBA 2K18, Grand Theft Auto V (GTA V), Destiny 2,Horizon: Zero Dawn, Tom Clancy’s Ghost Recon:Wildlands, Legend of Zelda: Breath of the Wild, andMass Effect: Andromeda.DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTSAs the research study employed an exploratorydescriptive approach aimed to “explore anyphenomenon in the data which serves as a point ofinterest to the researcher” (Zainal, 2007, p. 3), generalquestions were asked that allowed opportunities forLiu ǀ Journal of Media Literacy Education, 12(2), 28-40, 2020further examination of the phenomenon observed. Thisallowed opportunities to intricately investigateadolescents’ exposure to video games and theirinfluence on notions of gender and self-perception. Thestudy made use of an inductive research approach whererelevant data was collected that aligned with the researchtopic and responses to qualitative questions were enteredinto NVivo, a qualitative data analysis software. Thedata was coded and sorted by its modules and thenapplicable patterns were determined through crosscomparison of the organized data, giving rise to themesand theories. The research conducted in the studyachieved triangulation through semi-structuredcomprehensive interviews, member checks, and fieldnotes.Video game frequencyBased on the results, 17 out of 17 participants(100%) declared that they played video games; six werefemale and 11 were male. Therefore, all participantsdeclared that they played video games. In order todetermine the amount of time participants played videogames, participants were asked to provide an estimate ofthe number of hours they played video games per day.Participants categorized their playing time into twogroups, which consisted of hours spent playing on theweekday and hours spent playing on the weekend.Overall, all 17 participants declared playing at leastwithin 1 hour of video games every day of the week,while the majority of participants (76%; nine male, fourfemale) reported playing over 1 hour every day of theweek.Favorite gamesIn order to determine what video games participantswere interested in and actively played, participants wereasked to list two or three of their favorite video games.These games were later categorized based on their genrein order to identify the video gaming environments thatparticipants were spending the most time in. The dataare presented in Table 1. These presented data revealedthat males (82%) most often reported playing Shootergames, while the most frequently played games forfemales were mobile games played by 4 of 6 (67%)female participants. Furthermore, the majority of maleparticipants (82%) reported most frequently playingvideo games rated Mature, while all female participantsreported most frequently playing video games ratedEveryone. Overall, males and females reported distinct31

preferences with respect to their favoured games andgames played by males were not games played byfemale participants.Gender representation in video gamesParticipants were asked to explain what genderstereotypes were and were provided a definition forclarity if participants were unable to. Gender stereotypeswere defined as personal beliefs and standardizedrepresentations of gender within a culture whichhighlight differences between sexes, often focused onphysical appearance, behaviors, traits, and occupations(Chandler & Munday, 2011). Eleven of 17 participants(65%; 9 males, 2 females) stated that they knew whatgender stereotypes were and provided a definition orexample. In order to determine participants’ pre-existingnotions of gender stereotypes in video games,participants were asked to reflect upon their video gameexperiences. According to the results, 8 of 17participants (47%; 4 males, 4 females) stated that theyhad heard or seen gender stereotypes in video games.There were two most common answers for whatparticipants had seen or heard regarding genderstereotypes in video games. These answers consisted offemale characters being weaker than male characters,and the lack of representation of female characters invideo games. In response to the cover for NBA 2K18, aparticipant stated:They don’t have a girl’s league. Like in NBA, they could includethe girls’ national team or something, which could get girls moreinvolved in it. But maybe not all, I don’t know if anyone wantsto play all women, because it’s usually a man’s sport. It’s calledNBA. It’s the men’s league. But they should maybe put womenon their own teams in there. (Male; video game player)Gender representation in real lifeIn order to address research questions regardingparticipants’ perceptions and attitudes towards genderrepresentation in real life, participants were asked toelaborate about society and their own ideals of whatmales and females should look and act like in order toestablish their pre-existing beliefs and attitudes. Strongwas the most reoccurring word used to describesociety’s accepted ideal for what males should look andact like (41%; 4 males, 3 females). Pretty was the mostreoccurring word used to describe society’s acceptedideal for what females should look and act like (53%; 4males, 5 females). Fourteen of 17 participants (82%; 8males, 6 females) did not identify specific personalLiu ǀ Journal of Media Literacy Education, 12(2), 28-40, 2020ideals to which males and females should be expected toadhere to.Participants were asked to elaborate on their realworld experiences with gender stereotypes and describeany instances where they had seen gender stereotypes inreal life. Eight of 17 participants (47%; 2 males, 6females) reported seeing gender stereotypes in real life.A participant recalled an observation, “I’m acompetitive dancer and there was this boy in my dancestudio. He’s really good, but he had to leave because hewas getting physically bullied because he was a dancer”(female; video game player). Following this,participants were asked to describe their personalexperiences with gender stereotypes in real life. Five of17 participants (29%; 0 males, 5 females) reportedexperiencing gender stereotypes in real life. Aparticipant discussed her experiences with genderstereotypes and shared:Yeah, cause I play hockey right? And [boys are] all like, “You’rea girl and you’re gonna be a lesbian.” They say things like thatjust because I’m a girl and I play hockey [ ] I also use to playwith boys but I didn’t like it as much. They were really roughand they would always be like, “Aww I’m with a girl, aww Iwant to be with boys.” So if we were doing stuff with partners, Iwould never get a partner because I was the only girl and theyalways wanted to be with boys. (Female; video game player)Overall, male participants were adamant about neverexperiencing gender stereotypes in real life.Identification with video game character portrayalsIn order to determine the degree of identificationwith video game characters, participants wereencouraged to draw upon past experiences to discussconnections between self and video game characters.Overall, the majority of participants reported no level ofidentification with video game character portrayals(88%; 10 males, 5 females) or admirable traits (82%; 9males, 5 females), no pressure to conform to stereotypesas a result of playing video games (88%; 10 males, 5females), and did not experience a real life socialsituation influenced by video games (82%; 8 males, 6females). This lack of identification was highlighted bya participant who stated, “They’re controlled by theperson playing so they have to do what the person doesso it’s kind of hard to relate to a video game character”(female; video game player). Furthermore, fifteen of 17participants (88%; 10 males, 5 females) reported noexperience with feeling pressured to conform to genderstereotypes in real life when playing video games. A32

participant emphasized, “Not really. I like the way I amright now, and I like life the way it is” (male; video gameplayer).DISCUSSIONVideo game playing patterns and habitsPast research have shown that there are genderdistinguishing patterns of participants, where studieshave identified a trend of female aversion to violent orcompetitive gaming atmospheres that males are morelikely to seek out and enjoy (Assunção, 2016;Loebenberg, 2018; Vermeulen & Van Looy, 2016). Theresults of the present study align with this research, asthese data revealed that after categorizing participants’favorite video games into genres, male and femaleparticipants’ favorite video games greatly contrastedone another. The most popular games for the majority ofmale participants consisted in shooter games ratedMature, while the most popular games for the majorityof female participants were casual mobile games ratedEveryone. According to Shaw (2011), part of the reasonfor gendered game preferences may be a result of themarketed games for males and females. Hartmann andKlimmt’s (2006) study examining females’ game stylepreferences found that females preferred to play videogames that had less violence, a non-sexualized role forfemale characters, and lots of opportunities for socialinteraction. As a result, endorsement of female mediapreferences, rooted in stereotypical notions, haveresulted in the development of games specificallytargeting female audiences and reinforcing presumedproclivities relating to relationships, fashion, andappearance management. Previous findings confirmedthis and indicated that females prefer games thatconcentrate on social, collaboratively rooted, interactionand non-linear, or goal driven modes of exploration(Vermeulen & Van Looy, 2016). Marginalization offemales in games may be the unsavory byproduct ofperpetuation of the notion that gender specifiedcategories should be observed and affirmed by targetedgroups (Shaw, 2011). Existing research has uncoveredthat violent video games are perceived as a genderedspace, where first-person shooter games in particular arepredominantly masculine arenas (Assunção, 2016).and if they had ever heard about or seen genderstereotypes from video games. Results revealed thatmore than half of the participants reported that theyknew what gender stereotypes were; and almost half ofthe participants declared that they had heard or seengender stereotypes in video games. Participants werealso asked what they thought were society’s acceptedideals of what males and females should look and actlike, as well as their personal ideals of what males andfemales should look and act like. These questions wereasked in order to establish participants’ pre-existingbeliefs and attitudes regarding ideals about gender.These data revealed that both male and femaleparticipants reported strong as the most commonreoccurring word to describe society’s accepted idealsfor what males should look and act like. For society’sideals regarding what females should look and act like,the common reoccurring word reported by male andfemale participants consisted of pretty. Results furtherrevealed that the majority of participants did not identifyspecific personal ideals of what males and femalesshould be expected to adhere to.While the majority of female participants reportedseeing and hearing gender stereotypes in video games,less than a quarter of the male participants identifiedgender stereotyped content in video games. A possibleexplanation for this trend is outlined by Fisher andJenson (2017), who discuss how mainstream digitalgaming culture habitually replicate stereotypesattributed to a particular sex, which frequently indulgesan asserted masculine governance. This ultimatelyresults in a struggle for females to be considered at paritywith their male peers, often facing ridicule as apresumed inferior or disadvantaged “girl gamer” (Fisher& Jenson, 2017, p. 88). These effects highlight thehegemony of play, which pertains to interwovenstructures of culture, technology, and commercialismthat serve to advance gender-oriented power structuresin the production of digital games. This achievesnormalization and passive acceptance of entrenchedpresuppositions about sexual disparities, which tend toskew favourably towards males. Thus, there may be alack of male awareness regarding gender stereotypes invideo games owing to the predominance of masculinitywithin gameplay culture.Analysis of response congruencyGender representation in video gamesParticipants were first questioned to determinewhether or not they knew what gender stereotypes wereLiu ǀ Journal of Media Literacy Education, 12(2), 28-40, 2020Inconsistencies of varying intensity and complexitysurfaced among participants’ initially established beliefsand attitudes and their responses to the questions asked33

during the interview. The first major inconsistencieswere seen during the analysis of video game covers forMadden NFL 18 and NBA 2K18. Despite all participantsidentifying a difference in gender representation on thecovers of these games, the majority of male participantsand half of the female participants declared that therewere no implications as a result of the genderdifferences. The main reason for this lack of negativeimplication identified by participants is that theportrayals of these games strive to depict and stimulatethe real experiences of the NFL and NBA. As such, theserealities include little to no significant femalerepresentation within the environments they seek torecreate.The results showcased that the majority of maleparticipants were complacent with this asymmetricrepresentation of gender and failed to recognize possibleissues with the exclusivity of masculinity in both thevideo games and real life. In contrast, half of the implications regarding the lack of female representationon these covers and within the games themselves. Manyfemale participants emphasized how the lack of femalerepresentation may discourage females from bothplaying football in real life and simulated gameenvironments as these activities appear to be marketedpre-dominantly as a masculine game for maleconsumption.Statements from female participants resonate withDeskins’s (2013) discussion regarding how issues ofhypermasculine spaces, sexism, and negative responsesby male gamers to the involvement of female identityencourages the privileging of masculinity overfemininity, ultimately discouraging females fromengaging with gaming communities.Furthermore, the majority of male participantsreported that they would not change the game coverbecause it was based on real life, while the majority offemale participants declared that they would change thecover and game to include female characters. A rationalefor the differences in participants’ attitudes can beprovided by Fisher and Jenson (2017) in their evaluationof how the asymmetric assignment of power within theculture and industry of video games is wielded to deployand empower commanding imagery. A prominentexample of this practice is the widespread relegation offemale game characters to non-playable or decorativeroles, quest givers, or tokens of affection and triumph.Harvey and Fisher (2013) further emphasized how thevideo game workforce remains predominatelycomprised of a masculine collective at all levels of gameLiu ǀ Journal of Media Literacy Education, 12(2), 28-40, 2020production. This unvaried developer base of videogames is closely associated with a relative lack ofdiversity and innovation in video game representation.This persistence of a video game developmentworkforce with a narrowed perspective is closelyassociated with a respective deficit in diversity amongvideo game representations. Therefore, games of thisnature may perpetuate the depiction of mainly maleprimary characters, controlled predominantly by maleplayers, marketed by an industry that appears to narrowits focus on male audiences. This set of circumstanceshampers female participation in gaming domains bydesignating restrictive expectations and perpetua

The discussions regarding gender representation in this study will revolve around early adolescents' perceptions and attitudes towards gender representation in video games and the analysis of video game covers. The representations will focus on male and female genders due to the lack of representations of transgender, gender

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