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M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD1/2/1012:58 PMPage 45615The Age of ConfessionalDivision䊏ONThe Peoples of Early Modern Europe 䊏 Disciplining the People 䊏 Hunting Witches䊏 The Confessional States䊏 States and Confessions in Eastern Europe10, 1584, CATHOLIC EXTREMIST FRANçOIS GUION,brace of pistols hidden under his cloak, surprised William the Silent, the Prince of Orange, ashe was leaving the dining hall of his palace andshot him at point-blank range. William led theProtestant nobility in the Netherlands, which wasin revolt against the Catholic king of Spain. Guionmasqueraded as a Protestant for seven years inorder to ingratiate himself with William’s party, andbefore the assassination he consulted threeCatholic priests who confirmed the religious meritof his plan. Spain’s representative in the Netherlands, the Duke of Parma, had offered a reward of25,000 crowns to anyone who killed William; at themoment of the assassination four other potentialassassins were in Delft trying to gain access to thePrince of Orange.The murder of William the Silent exemplified anominous figure in Western civilization—the religiously motivated assassin. There had been manyassassinations before the late sixteenth century, butthose assassins tended to be motivated by the desireto gain political power or to avenge a personal orfamily injury. Religion hardly ever supplied a motive.In the wake of the Reformation, killing a politicalleader of the opposing faith to serve God’s planbecame all too common. The assassination ofWilliam illustrated patterns of violence that havesince become the modus operandi of the politicalJULYWITH A456assassin—the use of deception to gain access to thevictim, the vulnerability of leaders who wish to mingle with the public, the lethal potential of easily concealed pistols (a new weapon at that time), thecorruption of politics through vast sums of money,and the obsessive hostility of zealots against theirperceived enemies. The widespread acrimonyamong the varieties of Christian faith created a climate of religious extremism during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.Religious extremism was just one manifestation of an anxiety that pervaded European societyat the time—a fear of hidden forces controllinghuman events. In an attempt to curb that anxiety,the European monarchs formulated their politicsbased on the confessions of faith, or statementsof religious doctrine, peculiar to Catholics or thevarious forms of Protestantism. During this age ofconfessional division, European countries polarizedalong confessional lines, and governments persecuted followers of minority religions, whom theysaw as threats to public security. Anxious believerseverywhere were consumed with pleasing anangry God, but when they tried to find God withinthemselves, many Christians seemed only to findthe Devil in others.The religious controversies of the age of confessional division redefined the West. During theMiddle Ages, the West came to be identified with
M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD1/2/101:00 PMPage 457PROCESSION OF THE CATHOLIC LEAGUEDuring the last half of the sixteenth century, Catholics and Protestants in France formed armed militias orleagues. Bloody confrontations between these militias led to prolonged civil wars. In this 1590 procession of theFrench Catholic League, armed monks joined soldiers and common citizens in a demonstration of force.the practice of Roman Catholic Christianity. TheRenaissance added to that identity an appreciation of pre-Christian history going back to Greekand Roman Antiquity. The Reformation of theearly sixteenth century eroded the unity ofChristian Europe by dividing the West intoCatholic and Protestant camps. This division wasespecially pronounced in western Europe, but lessso in eastern Europe because it did not createconfessional states. During the late sixteenth andseventeenth centuries, governments reinforcedreligious divisions and attempted to unify theirpeoples around a common set of beliefs. How didthe encounter between the confessions and thestate transform Europe into religiously drivencamps?457
M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD458CHAPTER 151/2/101:00 PMPage 458The Age of Confessional DivisionTHE PEOPLES OF EARLY MODERNEUROPE䊏How did the expanding population andprice revolution exacerbate religious andpolitical tensions?During the tenth century if a Rus had wantedto see the sights of Paris—assuming he hadeven heard of Paris—he could have left Kievand walked under the shade of trees all the wayto France, so extensive were the forests and sosparse the human settlements of northernEurope. By the end of the thirteenth century,the wanderer from Kiev would have needed ahat to protect him on the shadeless journey.Instead of human settlements forming littleislands in a sea of forests, the forests were bythen islands in a sea of villages and farms, andfrom almost any church tower the sharp-eyedtraveler could have seen other church towers,each marking a nearby village or town. At theend of the thirteenth century, the Europeancontinent had become completely settled by adynamic, growing population, which hadcleared the forests for farms.During the fourteenth century all of thatchanged. A series of crises—periodic famines,the catastrophic Black Death, and a generaleconomic collapse—left the villages and townsof Europe intact, but a third or more of thepopulation was gone. In that period of desolation, many villages looked like abandonedmovie sets, and the cities did not have enoughpeople to fill in the empty spaces between thecentral market square and the city walls. Fieldsthat had once been put to the plow to feed thehungry children of the thirteenth century wereneglected and overrun with bristles and brambles. During the fifteenth century a generalEuropean depression and recurrent epidemicskept the population stagnant.In the sixteenth century the populationbegan to rebound as European agricultureshifted from subsistence to commercial farming.The sudden swell in human numbers broughtdramatic and destabilizing consequences thatcontributed to pervasive anxiety.The Population RecoveryDuring a period historical demographers callthe “long sixteenth century” (ca. 1480–1640),the population of Europe began to grow consistently again for the first time since the latethirteenth century. As shown in Figure 15.1,European Population, in 1340 on the brink ofthe Black Death, Europe had about 74 millioninhabitants, or 17 percent of the world’s total.By 1400 the population of all of Europe haddropped to 52 million or 14 percent of theworld’s total. Over the course of the long sixteenth century, Europe’s population grew to77.9 million, just barely surpassing thepre–Black Death level.Figure 15.2, European Population, 1500–1600, depicts some representative populationfigures for the larger European countries duringthe sixteenth century. Two important factsemerge from these data. The first is the muchgreater rate of growth in northern Europe compared with southern Europe. England grew by83 percent, Poland grew by 76 percent, andeven the tiny, war-torn Netherlands gained58 percent. During the same period Italy grew8060402001340140014801640FIGURE 15.1 European Population in Millions
M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD1/2/101:00 PMPage 459The Peoples of Early Modern Europe4592515001550Population in iaPolandCountryFIGURE 15.2 European Population, 1500–1600Source: Jan de Vries, “Population,” In Handbook of European History 1400–1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance and Reformation, Vol. 1:Structures and Assertions, (eds.) Thomas A. Brady, Jr., Heiko A. Oberman, and James D. Tracy (1994), Table 1, 13. Copyright 1994by Brill Academic Publishers. Reproduced with permission of Brill Academic Publishers via Copyright Clearance Center.by only 25 percent and Spain by 19 percent.These trends signal a massive, permanent shiftof demographic and economic power from theMediterranean countries of Italy and Spain tonorthern, especially northwestern, Europe. Thesecond fact to note from these data is the overwhelming size of France, which was home toabout a quarter of Europe’s population. OnceFrance recovered from its long wars of religion,its demographic superiority overwhelmed competing countries and made it the dominantpower in Europe, permanently eclipsing its chiefrival, Spain.What explains the growth in the population? To a large extent, the transformationfrom subsistence to commercial agriculture incertain regions of Europe made it possible.Peasants who practiced subsistence farmingconsumed about 80 percent of everything theyraised, and what little was left over wentalmost entirely to the landlord as feudal duesand to the church as tithing—the obligation togive to God one-tenth of everything earned orproduced. Peasant families lived on the edge ofexistence. During the sixteenth century, subsistence agriculture gave way to commercialcrops, especially wheat, which was sold intown markets and the great cities such asLondon, Antwerp, Amsterdam, Paris, Milan,Venice, and Barcelona. As commercial agriculture spread, the population grew because therural population was better fed and moreprosperous.The amount of land available, however,could not provide enough work for the growing farm population. As a result, the landlesswere forced to take to the road to find theirfortunes. These vagabonds, as they werecalled, exemplified the social problems thatemerged from the uneven distribution of
M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD460CHAPTER 151/2/101:00 PMPage 460The Age of Confessional DivisionTHE RISE OF COMMERCIAL AGRICULTUREDuring the sixteenth century commercial agriculture began to produce significant surpluses for the expanding population of the cities. This scene depicts awindmill for grinding grain and a train of wagons hauling produce from thecountry to be marketed in a city.wealth created by the new commerce. Becauselarge-scale migrations to the Americas had notyet begun, except from Spain, the landless hadfew options other than to seek opportunities ina city.The Thriving CitiesBy the 1480s cities began to grow, but thegrowth was uneven with the most dramaticgrowth occurring in the cities of the North, especially London, Antwerp, and Amsterdam. Thesurpluses of the countryside, both human andagricultural, flowed into the cities during the sixteenth century. Compared with even the prosperous rural villages, the cities seemedincomparably rich. Half-starved vagabonds marveled at shops piled high with food (white bread,fancy pies, fruit, casks of wine, roasting meats);they wistfully passed taverns full of drunken,laughing citizens; and they begged for alms infront of magnificent, marble-faced churches.Every aspect of the cities exhibited dramatic contrasts between the rich and poor, wholived on the same streets and often in differentparts of the same houses. Around 1580 Christian missionaries brought a Native Americanchief to the French city of Rouen. Through aninterpreter he was asked what impressed himthe most about European cities, so unlike thevillages of North America. He replied that hewas astonished that the rag-clad, emaciatedmen and women who crowded the streets didnot grab the plump, well-dressed rich people bythe throat.City officials recognized the social problems caused by the disparities in wealth. Everycity maintained storehouses of grain and regulated the price of bread and the size of a loaf sothat the poor could be fed. The impulse to feed
M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD1/2/101:00 PMPage 461The Peoples of Early Modern Europethe poor was less the result of humanitarianmotives than fear of a hungry mob. Citiesguarded carefully against revolts and crime.Even for petty crime, punishment was swift,sure, and gruesome. The beggar who stole aloaf of bread from a baker’s cart had his handamputated on a chopping block in the marketsquare. A shabbily dressed girl who grabbed alady’s glittering trinket had her nose cut off sothat she could never attract a man. A burglarwas tortured, drawn, and quartered, with hissevered head impaled on an iron spike at thetown gate as a warning to others.However talented or enterprising, newarrivals to the city had very limited opportunities. They could hardly start up their own business because all production was strictlycontrolled by the guilds, which were associationsof merchants or artisans organized to protecttheir interests. Guilds rigidly regulated theirmembership and required an apprenticeship ofmany years. Guilds also prohibited technologicalinnovations, guaranteed certain standards ofworkmanship, and did not allow branching outinto new lines. Given the limited opportunitiesfor new arrivals, immigrant men and womenbegged on the streets or took charity from thepublic dole. The men picked up any heavy-laborjobs they could find. Both men and womenbecame servants, a job that paid poorly but atleast guaranteed regular meals.Among the important social achievementsof both Protestant and Catholic Reformationswere efforts to address the problems of the destitute urban poor, who constituted at least aquarter of the population, even in the best oftimes. In Catholic countries such as Italy,Spain, southern Germany, and France, therewas an enormous expansion of credit banks,which were financed by charitable contributions in order to provide small loans to thepoor. Catholic cities established convents forpoor young women who were at risk of fallinginto prostitution and for women who hadretired from the sex trade. Catholic and Protestant cities established orphanages, hospitals forthe sick, hospices for the dying, and public461housing. Both Catholic and Protestant citiesattempted to distinguish between the “honest”poor—those who were disabled and trulydeserving—and the “dishonest” poor who werethought to be malingerers. Protestant citiesestablished poorhouses, which segregated thepoor, subjected them to prisonlike discipline,and forced the able-bodied to work.The more comfortable classes of the citiesenjoyed large palaces and luxurious lifestyles.They hired extensive staffs of servants, feastedon meat and fine wines, and purchased exoticimports such as silk cloth, spices from theEast, and, in the Mediterranean cities, slavesfrom eastern Europe, the Middle East, orAfrica. Rich merchants maintained their statusby marrying within their own class, monopolizing municipal offices, and educating theirchildren in the newly fashionable humanistschools. The wealthy of the cities were the bastions of social stability. They possessed thefinancial resources and economic skills to protect themselves from the worst consequencesof economic instability, especially the corrosivewave of price inflation that struck the Westafter about 1540.The Price RevolutionPrice inflation became so pervasive during thelast half of the sixteenth century that it contributed to the widespread fear that hiddenforces controlled events. After a long period offalling or stable prices that stretched back to thefourteenth century, Europe experienced sustained price increases, beginning around 1540, inwhat historians called the Price Revolution. Theinflation lasted a century, forcing major economic and social changes that permanentlyaltered the face of Western society. During thisperiod overall prices across Europe multipliedfive- or sixfold.What caused the inflation? The basic principle is simple. The price paid for goods andservices is fundamentally the result of the relationship between supply and demand. If thenumber of children who need to be fed grows
M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD462CHAPTER 151/2/101:00 PMPage 462The Age of Confessional Divisionfaster than the supply of grain, the price ofbread goes up. This happens simply becausemothers who can afford it will be willing topay a higher price to save their children fromhunger. If good harvests allow the supply ofgrain to increase at a greater rate than thedemand for bread, then prices go down. Twoother factors influence price. One is theamount of money in circulation. If the amountof gold or silver available to make coinsincreases, there is more money in circulation.When more money is circulating, people canbuy more things, which creates the same effectas an increase in demand—prices go up. Theother factor is called the velocity of money incirculation, which refers to the number oftimes money changes hands to buy things.When people buy commodities with greaterfrequency, it has the same effect as increasingthe amount of money in circulation or ofincreasing demand—again, prices go up.The precise combination of these factors incausing the great Price Revolution of the sixteenth century has long been a matter of considerable debate. Most historians would nowagree that the primary cause of inflation waspopulation growth, which increased demandfor all kinds of basic commodities, such asbread and woolen cloth for clothing. AsEurope’s population finally began to recover, itmeant that more people needed and desired tobuy more things. This explanation is mostobvious for commodities that people need tosurvive, such as grain to make bread. Thesecommodities have what economists callinelastic demand, that is, consumers do nothave a great deal of discretion in purchasingthem. Everybody has to eat. The commoditiesthat people could survive without if the price istoo high are said to have elastic demand, suchas dancing shoes and lace collars. In Englandbetween 1540 and 1640 overall prices rose by490 percent. More telling, however, is that theprice of grain (inelastic demand) rose by a stunning 670 percent, whereas the price of luxurygoods (elastic demand) rose much less, by 204percent. Thus, inflation hurt the poor, whoneeded to feed their children, more than therich, whose desires were more elastic.Monetary factors also contributed to inflation. The Portuguese brought in significantamounts of gold from Africa, and newlyopened mines in central Europe increased theamount of silver by fivefold as early as the1520s. The discovery in 1545 of the fabuloussilver mine of Potosí (in present-day Bolivia)brought to Europe a flood of silver, whichSpain used to finance its costly wars. As inflation began to eat away at royal incomes, financially strapped monarchs all across westernEurope debased their currency because theybelieved, mistakenly, that producing morecoins containing less silver would buy more. Infact, the minting of more coins meant each coinwas worth less and would buy less. In England,for example, debasement was a major source ofinflation during the 1540s and 1550s.The Price Revolution severely weakened governments. Most monarchs derived their incomesfrom their own private lands and taxes on property. As inflation took hold, property taxesproved dangerously inadequate to cover royalexpenses. Even frugal monarchs such as England’s Elizabeth I (r. 1558–1603) were forced totake extraordinary measures, in her case to selloff royal lands. Spendthrift monarchs faced disaster. Spain was involved in the costly enterprise ofnearly continuous war during the sixteenth century. To pay for the wars, Charles V resorted to aform of deficit financing in which he borrowedmoney by issuing juros, which provided lendersan annuity yielding between three and seven percent on the amount of the principal. By the1550s, however, the annuity payments of thejuros consumed half of the royal revenues.Charles’s son, Philip II, inherited such an alarming situation that in 1557, the year after heassumed the throne, he was forced to declarebankruptcy. Philip continued to fight expensivewars and borrow wildly, and thus failed to get hisfinancial house in order. He declared bankruptcyagain in 1575 and 1596. Philip squandered
M16 LEVA2848 03 SE C15.QXD1/2/101:00 PMPage 463Disciplining the PeopleSpain’s wealth, impoverishing his own subjectsthrough burdensome taxes and contributing toinflation by borrowing at high rates of interestand debasing the coinage.
confessional division, European countries polarized along confessional lines, and governments perse-cuted followers of minority religions, whom they saw as threats to public security. Anxious believers everywhere were consumed with pleasing an angry God, but when they tried to find God within themselves, many Christians seemed only to find
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